Forum Haiti : Des Idées et des Débats sur l'Avenir d'Haiti

Forum Haiti : Des Idées et des Débats sur l'Avenir d'Haiti

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 Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia

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MessageSujet: Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia   Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia EmptySam 3 Mar 2012 - 10:18

Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia - London Review of Books, Vol. 34 No. 5 · 8 March 2012
http://www.lrb.co.uk/v34/n05/pooja-bhatia/diary

Last May I went to see Jean-Bertrand Aristide at his big white house in the suburbs of Port-au-Prince. I’d been there in March, when the former president had been back home only a week, and the place had the feel of a set under construction: workmen in overalls among the mango trees, the smell of new paint, a sputtering tap in the office bathroom. Now the Aristides’ boxes had arrived from Pretoria, where the family spent most of their seven-year exile, and Aristide’s office was dominated by a piece of scientific equipment, positioned – conspicuously, I thought – near the visitors’ couch. Its gleaming monitor was set to ‘on’ and displayed several jagged graphs. A thicket of bright-coloured electrodes dangled from a rack.

Aristide explained that it was an electroencephalogram (EEG) machine and that he used it for his research. He had a PhD in African languages from the University of South Africa – his dissertation posited a ‘psycho-theological’ kinship between Zulu and Haitian Creole – and he was continuing his linguistics research, he said, though now from a biological perspective. All day long there were visitors (‘from early in the morning to late at night, they come and come and come’), but he also sat for several hours before his EEG machine, studying the effect on brainwaves of different words, languages and music. The EEG machine allowed one to ‘go deep’ into the functioning of the brain, he explained. He deflected my questions about his study’s hypothesis and its preliminary findings, saying it would take too long to explain.

‘Really?’ I said.

‘Well, how much do you know about the anatomy of the brain?’

‘Not very much.’

‘Yes, it would take a very long time.’

Aristide rose and walked over to his desk, and picked up a plastic, grapefruit-size model of the brain – one of the few things on it. Then he sat down again across from me and pulled the model apart to show me the corpus callosum, which, he said, processes everything one hears and senses, ‘except the sense of smell’.

I wondered how serious his study was, and perhaps the confusion showed on my face.

‘For instance, if I say the word “Haiti” to you, it will do certain things to your brainwaves,’ Aristide said. ‘If I say the word “Haiti” to someone else, it might have the opposite effect.’

That made a sort of sense, I supposed. As we spoke, however, I got the impression that the main subject of Aristide’s research was himself. He refused to talk about politics and had no impressions of the damage the earthquake had done to the city, as he had not left his house since his return. Casting about for some small talk, I asked if he still played the guitar, as he had when he was a parish priest.

A fond little smile played on his face. ‘No, not anymore,’ he said. ‘A few years ago, I started to learn the flute instead. For my research.’ He explained that unlike the guitar or the church organ, which use chords, the flute produces a single line of melody, one note at a time. The linearity of its music made the flute more suited to his research. The image of Aristide, the pivotal figure of modern Haitian politics and once the standard-bearer for democracy, sitting in front of his EEG machine, electrodes on his head, playing the flute, made me uncomfortable.

The notion that he is crazy is an old one. A 1992 CIA profile diagnosed him as a ‘psychotic manic depressive with proven homicidal tendencies’, but the profile was probably based on a forged affidavit from an imaginary doctor in Montreal, unmarked vials of pills (some reports held it was heart medication) and creative interpretation of some of his art and his doodles, sourced and Rorschach-ed by an American with strong ties to Jesse Helms and the junta that ousted Aristide in 1991. They were all desperate to prevent him from returning to Haiti. The apposite Creole proverb is: ‘if you want to kill a dog, say it has rabies.’ It didn’t work, not immediately. Twenty thousand US Marines escorted Aristide back to the National Palace in 1994. But ten years later, he was ousted again – again with the covert support of some arms of the US government – and exiled to Africa.

By the time I came to live in Haiti, in 2007 (I was on a postgraduate fellowship), Aristide’s absence had muffled most of the palab – rumours – about him. His critics preferred not to speak of him at all, and some accused me of harbouring a neophyte’s obsession with him. Yet in early 2011, as the date of his return loomed, my contacts began calling to tell me things it was hard to imagine educated people actually believed. A textile magnate insisted Aristide had sacrificed a baby by grinding it up with a mortar and pestle. Leftist historians swore he flew around at night on a broom. One morning my landlady, aware that I was writing about Aristide, stopped by to impart another sort of warning: she knew a journalist, she said, whom he had raped. In a few days, I would hear the same thing, rumour disguised as concern, from an American embassy worker. The idea of Aristide as rapist was laughable to me, not because it was a cliché – ‘First World woman aggressed by savage negro’ – but because it fitted so badly with what I’d seen of the man: tiny, balding, mild, bespectacled, blinking constantly because of an eye ailment, string vest peeking out through the gap created by a forgotten button. Out of power, unwilling or unable to leave his house, Aristide seemed to me small, meek and sad.

To his supporters, aspersions about Aristide’s mental health and allegations about violent behaviour were part of a decades-long attempt to subvert the democratic struggle. They saw the bug-eyed former priest as a latter-day St Francis whose almost mystical connection to the poor terrified the Haitian elite and American onlookers. They allowed that he might seem eccentric, or even touched; given the circumstances, it wasn’t unreasonable. Living nobly in an ignoble place could give one an otherworldly air.

Aristide’s demand in 2004 for $21 billion in reparations from France showed how the logical became illogical when it happened in Haiti, and how Aristide’s reputation bore the brunt. It was the bicentenary of Haiti’s independence, and the $21 billion was the inflation-adjusted equivalent of the money Haiti started paying France in 1825 to compensate colonial plantation owners for the loss of their property, largely slaves. In return, France had recognised Haiti’s sovereignty, lifted a trade embargo, and financed a usurious loan for indemnity payments that Haitians bore for almost a hundred years. Merci, patron! Aristide’s call for restitution was considered another sign of his lunacy.

In the 1980s, Aristide had been a shantytown priest whose homilies were steeped in liberation theology. ‘Tout moun se moun’ (‘every person is a person’), he had told the field hands, factory workers and servants who passed around cassettes of his sermons. The idea was novel in Haiti, where the elite, the state and the church had long exploited and repressed everyone else. They’d denied the population education and basic services, taxed them into debt and expropriated their land. When they protested, the army or the Tontons Macoutes were sent to subdue them. The regime worked best when the poor recognised their oppression as the normal state of affairs. Aristide’s talk of redistribution, dignity and justice threatened all that. He told the poor they could speak, and they elected him president in 1990 with 67 per cent of the vote in a crowded field. After his inauguration, he invited the poorest of his constituents to the National Palace. On the broad green lawn, soldiers served rice and beans: ‘Bò tab la’ – that everyone deserves a place ‘at the table’ – had been one of the new president’s slogans.

Well before he entered electoral politics people were trying to kill Aristide. He survived several assassination attempts but witnessed the murders of many close to him. One Sunday in September 1988, under the junta that replaced the Duvalier regime, unknown assailants wearing red armbands and carrying machine guns and machetes came to the church of St Jean Bosco where Aristide was saying mass. Soldiers and policemen stood by as the assailants began slicing through the white-garbed congregants and went for petrol to burn the place down. Aristide was hustled to the church’s residence. There, according to Amy Wilentz in her chronicle of Aristide’s rise to power, The Rainy Season, the assailants found him, stripped him to his vest in a farcical search for weapons, and held their guns to his heart. Then at the last minute, they desisted. No one, Wilentz surmised, wanted to be the person who’d killed Aristide.

Aristide suffered numerous ‘nervous prostrations’ and migraines throughout his years in public life. For weeks on end, he would refuse to get out of bed, to take medicine, to eat, to talk. His Salesian order first tried to send him away – he was getting too political, its leaders said – and then expelled him. His victory in the 1990 presidential election was fleeting; there was an attempt to overthrow him even before he arrived at the National Palace. He stayed in office for only seven months before a coup d’état sent him into a three-year exile.

He spent most of that time in Washington, trying to negotiate with the junta over the terms of his return while the United States played the role of reluctant arbitrator. His eyes were glued to events at home: paramilitaries massacred his supporters in the slums; assassins killed his officials, clerics and financial backers (one was hauled out of a memorial service for the victims of the St Jean Bosco massacre and shot on the street); a trade embargo strangled the already feeble economy; refugees in rickety boats were intercepted by the US Coast Guard and interned for months at Guantánamo Bay.

The terms of his 1994 return package were not favourable. He agreed to an amnesty for the leaders of the junta, to share power with centrists more appealing to the Americans, and to implement a drastic structural adjustment programme that rendered his liberation theology so much empty rhetoric. ‘The whole country went into a deep depression,’ a Canadian onlooker told me. ‘And it’s never come out.’

Haiti’s troubles raised its profile abroad, and in the US well-meaning leftists and such celebrities as Jonathan Demme and Danny Glover rallied to the cause. The situation offered moral clarity: the junta was evil, craven and wealthy; the masses were innocent, brave and outgunned. Human rights lawyers took the Guantánamo boat people cases to the Supreme Court. In the American mind, Aristide symbolised both the struggle of the Haitian people for dignity and the fight against US interference in Latin America more generally.

That must have been a lot for a man to bear. Even without the compromises he’d made in order to get home, Aristide’s return to the presidency couldn’t have resolved the structural problems that have long characterised Haiti: inequality, poverty, weak institutions, predatory politics and the fragile pretence of sovereignty. Besides, Aristide had by now changed. The guayaberas and guitar were gone, dropped in favour of suits and gold cufflinks, the wardrobe of a statesman. He had left the priesthood and married, started a family and moved to the big white house in the suburbs. Sometimes he commuted by helicopter. Journalists stopped being so adulatory, and Aristide stopped receiving them, which only added to the speculation that surrounded him. His enemies were titillated. Amid whispers of megalomania, sacrificed babies and sorcery, of a new taste for power and money, and of an abandonment of socialist principles, Aristide saw out his first, moth-eaten term in office. When he took office again in 2001, after elections boycotted by the elite, he was no longer considered a saint.

The Bush administration oversaw Aristide’s departure at the time of the 2004 coup. In the pre-dawn hours of 29 February, agents instructed him to prepare for a press conference at the National Palace and instead ferried him to the airport, where they trundled him and his wife Mildred onto an unmarked jet filled with burly Americans. No one told them where the plane was going, so it was a surprise when it landed in Bangui, the capital of the Central African Republic. Fearing for his client’s life, Ira Kurzban, Aristide’s Miami-based lawyer, flew to Bangui along with Congresswoman Maxine Waters to retrieve him and take him to Jamaica. By June he was settled in South Africa.

Seven years later, as Aristide and the government of South Africa prepared for his return to Haiti, Kurzban worried that the plane would be shot down. He heard something ominous in State Department releases that accused Aristide of wanting to interfere with upcoming elections and insisted on Haiti’s need ‘to focus on its future, not its past’. In the event, thousands of Haitians were at the airport to hear him compare himself to Toussaint L’Ouverture, and many jogged alongside his car for the few kilometres to the big white house in the suburbs. The atmosphere was jubilant, I was told. People scaled the walls and the mango trees and thronged the courtyard to catch a glimpse of him.

Sitting in his office a week after his return from South Africa, Aristide told me that a friend of his had described his reception as a ‘tsunami of love’. He was trying to be modest, but the phrase clearly delighted him, and he kept returning to it. ‘I was really surprised when I heard it,’ he said, ‘but it made sense, because in fact the power, the strength, you could see driving the people, expressing joy, it was nothing more than the expression of collective love.’ Aristide makes generous use of the word ‘love’. He describes his relationship with the Haitian people as ‘a love story’. It survived the burning of the church of St Jean Bosco, and the 1991 coup, and the seven years he spent in South Africa. The love Aristide described –‘meme amour’, he called it – encompassed the love a mother has for her children, the love Haiti’s diaspora showed in their remittances to the country and the love Toussaint L’Ouverture showed in his revolutionary sacrifices. ‘What I really feel is the same as they feel,’ Aristide said. ‘Hey, it’s not a declaration of love as something said lightly. No no no no no. It’s the same kind of love that our forefathers felt when they gave their lives to be free.’

Aristide didn’t leave his house throughout the spring and the summer. He didn’t go out among the people to see the squalor they still live in two years after the quake – the leaky tents, the dirty water, the barefoot children. He claimed the reason had nothing to do with security, but I had my doubts. He pointed out that he received visitors constantly and that gallivanting about would cause a ruckus.

‘Aren’t you curious about the way the city has changed, with the earthquake and seven years and everything else?’ I asked.

‘Well, yes, I am curious,’ he said. ‘But not the way a child is curious. And anyway, I will be here for a long time. I’m not going anywhere.’

I heard laughter, then some shrieking through the thin walls of his office. ‘My daughters,’ Aristide explained with a grin. He was enrolling them in a school downtown and seemed confident about their ability to get by in Port-au-Prince, a town where everyone knew their father.

Aristide has refused to speak with most journalists. For me, he made an exception; he said he felt he could trust me because I had flown to South Africa to see him, because Kurzban had recommended me, and because, he said, he liked my ‘vibe’. Aristide’s press secretary had tried to prod him out of his public silence and reclusiveness, to speak with more journalists. Perhaps she figured it would be to his advantage to define himself, rather than allow the palab to define him. She didn’t think he had anything to hide.

But Aristide had shown himself again and again, and it had ended badly. He had allowed a long line of foreign journalists and other outsiders to tell the rest of the world who he was. It had worked well when they painted him as a hero, but became painful when they caricatured him as a madman. Besides, for a quarter century, the main question about Haitian politics was Who is Aristide? Saint, sinner, martyr, sorcerer, rapist, family man, friend to the poor, exploiter of the poor, sell-out, has-been, will-be, messiah. The experience must have been wearying. Maybe that’s why he spent all those hours cooped up in his office in front of the EEG machine, looking deep inside his cranium: it was an effort to find out for himself what makes him tick. What does the word ‘Haiti’ do to Aristide’s brainwaves?

In October, Aristide made his first appearance since his return to Haiti – to much surprise, alongside the new president, Michel Martelly. It was a ‘reconciliation’ meeting, snippets of which were broadcast on state television. Though both men are populists, Martelly has never won the same devotion as Aristide – less than a quarter of the population bothered to vote in the election – and they are ideologically far apart. Martelly wants to bring back the army that Aristide dissolved in 1995; his prosecutors have recommended dropping charges of crimes against humanity against Jean-Claude Duvalier; he likes to talk about how friendly the country has become to foreign investors; and he doesn’t seem to lack support from Washington. Before he became a politician, he made no secret of his loathing for Aristide. As a pop star in the early 1990s, he entertained the junta and the elite, even playing at a demonstration against Aristide’s return. It is quite unclear why Aristide agreed to the meeting – carrot or stick? – but it pointed up the withering of Haiti’s democratic movement.

A few days after my first visit to Aristide’s house, I met with an American foreign service officer. We discussed the second round of voting in the presidential election – it had just taken place. The officer passed on a juicy titbit: on the day of Aristide’s arrival, she said, the crowds who came to greet him ransacked his house and made off with all the furniture. His wife and daughters had fled to Santo Domingo.

‘But I was just there,’ I said, confused. ‘Everything looked fine to me.’

The officer paused. ‘Oh, well, that’s just a rumour. It’s not confirmed.’
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MessageSujet: Re: Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia   Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia EmptySam 3 Mar 2012 - 11:08

Lè w ap li atik sa a ;se pou w ri .
Kote repòtè an di ke de ""Politisyen"" swa dizan ""gochis"" ap di ke ARISTIDE konn vole lan nwit tankou ""LOUGAROU"'.

Konklizyon an menm gen dwa fè w ri jis tan ou ISTERIK.Se lè misye rankontre yon kad lan ANBASAD AMERIKEN ki di l ke JOU ARISTIDE TOUNEN AN ,MOUN KI TE LAN ÈPÒT KI TE VIN RANKONTRE L YO,TE VÒLÈ TOUT SA KI LAN KAY LI YO E MADANM LI AK TI MOUN LI YO KRAZE RAK E YO LAN WOUT SENDOMENG.

Sa ki pou fè w DYAYI AK RI se lè REPÒTÈ an reponn ke li fèt sòti kay ARISTIDE e li wè tout bagay O.K.
ANPLWAYE ANBASAD lan sezi e kounye an li reponn:

""OO,SE JIS YON RIMÈ""
KOUMANMAN!
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MessageSujet: Re: Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia   Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia EmptySam 3 Mar 2012 - 13:30

An verite zafè ameriken pa vle wè Aristide saa se yon bagay kem pa ka konprann.ki enterè ameriken genyen pou yo ap denigre aristide konsa >tou moun konnen ke aristide pa yon ekstremis de goch tankou Fidel ou byen Chavez.eske politik saa ke meriken yo ap pouswiv an ayiti ap mete moun tankou martelly o pouvwa pap fini fè jeness la revolte kont meriken yo?Mwen ta kwè li ta nan pi avantaj ameriken pou moun ki ap pran boat pou vinn Florida te ka rete lakay yo kote yo te ka jwen tè pou yo travay e jistis,kote inegalite sosyal ta mwens.
se bagay sa yo wi ki fè mwen toujou ap mete Si se vre nan komantè mwen fè sou Aristide tande kose wi, yo di ke pep la te volè tout bagay lakay Aristide jis madanm li ak pitit li te refijye Santo Domingo men jounalis saa ki pa ayisyen di se pa vre.
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MessageSujet: Re: Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia   Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia EmptySam 3 Mar 2012 - 13:56

Se bagay sa a wi ;lè malpwopte kontinye ap repete rans.
Si jounalis sa a ;pa t ale TABA pou li wè ARISTIDE;misye ta gen dwa ekri lan JOUNAL li an sa anplwaye anbasad lan te di l.
E ou t ap gen yon reyaksyon an KASKAD.
Sa yo t ap pale lan JOUNAL ETRANJE yo se pa t ap retou ARISTIDE ak milye de moun ki te vin tann li lan AYEWOPÒ an ,men de madanm li ak pitit li ki KRAZE RAK e ki refijye lan SENDOMENG;ak kay li an ke yo kraze e vòlò tout sa k ladann.

Ke se te vre ,ke se pa t vre ;sa pa t enpòtan ,men jan yo t ap pale de RETOU an t ap diferan.

Misye di tou ke l rankontre ak gwo BOUJWA lan PÒTOPRENS ki ap di l ke ARISTIDE te mete YON TIBEBE lan pilon ,ki griye pou fè poud ak li.
Misye pa t ka kwè zòrèy li ,de sa l ap tande an;men tou nou konnen ki pye (legs) bagay sa a te genyen e toujou genyen;gen nèg ki kontinye ap repete sa;sou sit sa a.
Tankou moun yo di ""MISYON AKONPLI"".
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MessageSujet: Re: Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia   Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia EmptySam 3 Mar 2012 - 15:18

Kouman fe tout neg sa yo lage Duvalier ap galonen sou do manman yon e pi se Aristid y'ap pale mal?

Atikl sa a eksprime pouki sa mwen irite le neg ap rakonte foste sou Aristid. Lan denye entevansyon m't'ap di ke depi Ayisyen gen laj majorite, si li te deja gen tandans krochi, li kwe ke li gen lisans pou li bay manti ou pou jis repete rumeur olye ke li aprand itilize rezon.

M'toujou di ke si yon neg di mal de mwen se pa grav tout otan sa pa touye peson' tankou men le n'ap pran Aristid ki represante nanm pepl Ayisyen e pi pou malveyan pase vi ap pesekite'l san ke yo pa ka fe fen'l, se pou nou di ke la verite ap toujou jayi.

Anvan m'li atikl sa a, mwen t'ap pense ke se pa posibl pou neg yo abitye grese pat la ki bwe move kleren anraje konsa kontr Aristid. Kakatafya!

Kanta pet du bon Dieu li-menm, se jan de psychopathe, sociopathe tankou JCD. Kelke swa aksyon yo, kelke swa pozisyon yo, yo pa responsabl malere. Sa se jis on atotid egoyis ak karyeris.

Lan 21e syekl, Ayiti bezwen jenn moun k'ap pense, e ki ka transforme zev Aristid la pou amelyore peyi a. Li le pou Ayiti vin yon peyi enteresan pou Aysyeni. Se sa ki fe mwen pa vle tande chante k'ap pale de douceur Ayiti menm si m'gen bon souvni. Ayiti pa peyi dous, Ayiti p'ap janm yon peyi vyabl ak jan de kapital sa a ki, goudougoudou ou pa, reprezante jis yon lanfer.

Sispand repete betiz. Ki mele moun si grangou pa lan ti pos ankor an Ayiti. Yo move jis paske yo te espere yon ti pos sineki sou Lavalas. Anpil moun mwen kwaze Okanada te vire do bay Aristid paske misye pa't lage yo lan gwo pos. Ou byen yo pa't satisfe lan pos yo te okipe. Poutan sa pa't pi mal non, men yo te prefere kite Ayiti sou fo preteks vin gonfle lis refijye bor isit.

Men yo youn pa gen kapasite pou vini ak yon mouvman ou yon politik vyabl ak yon proje pou sosyete Ayisyen' la. Le w byen gade, politisyen Ayisyen pa gen sa yo rele commitment. M'ap pale byen si de tout reprezantan ak depite yo.

Kanta Ameriken, li clair depi lontan pou Nwa lakay yo pa gen yon bon enpresyon de Ayiti. D'ailleurs, gouvenman Ayisyen te toujou a la remorque Ameriken lan tout desizyon politik entenasyonal sosyal e ekonomik yo. Gen anpil ekzanpl ki bay pou se biznis Ameriken ki pou profite de richesse ak main d"oeuvre Ayiti. Se ak chantaj Ameriken toujou ap boule politikman an Ayiti. Jodi a, se grav net, yo rive jiska enpoze'w youn lan pi gran triche ki sou ter a kom gouverneur. Menm Farrakan vin pran pa'l lan dezod ak piyay la... Lan liv pa'm la, sa se move siy net.

Etazini gen dwa bon pou moun endividyelman men yo pa bon menm pou Ayiti, yo se pi gwo zantrav pou ti peyi a avanse. Le n'byen gade, ras settlers sa yo, pa vle we pou neg antand yo. E anpil ti neg mache lan absidite sa a depi y'ap itilize lan tout sos mo lan lang yo frenk konen.

A chacun son étoile. Pa gen manti menm le aristide di ke li renmen pep Ayisyen e ke yo renmen'l parey. Se sa destabilizate ak FRAPHis ak blan Meriken a pa ka konprand. Blan a toujou kwe ke li ka kase (break) nenpot moun li vle. Kom se yon pep destrikte li ye, sa pa'p janm di'l anyen menm le li gade li we ke ranvese yon endividu se domaje yon pep, yon peyi. Si le fo menm, ya inonde'w, ya goudougoudou w, ya mitraye w, ya atomize... ya lage ajan oranj sou ou. Moun sa yo... hum!

Martine la tourmente jis babye, li pa lan koze futur premier ministre la...
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MessageSujet: Re: Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia   Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia EmptySam 3 Mar 2012 - 20:10

Fok nou remake atik sa a, se pa yon zanmi osnon yon fanatik Aristide ki ekri li. Pou dayè, gen bagay misye ekri ki sikjere misye te gen kont opotinite pou li benyen nan yon anbyans GNBis epi devlope kèk prejije kont Aristide tou. Ou gen dwa pa dako ak kèk nan analiz osnon entèpretasyon li yo, men misye lonji dwèt sou pwoblèm fondamantal klas moun ki toujou pare pou yo rele "viv" yon prezidan ki ap mennen nan opninyon entènasyonal la, epi ki premye pare pou envante nenpot manti rasis kont pwop nasyon yo (kanibalis) - depi van an vire. Anpil nan gwo GNBis yo se nèg ki fache paske yo pèdi pyedestal yo te pran sou premye 7 mwa Aristide yo. Parese yo refize travay pou bati pwop fos politik yo! IZNOGOUD yo ye!
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MessageSujet: Re: Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia   Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia EmptySam 3 Mar 2012 - 20:18

genyen anpil neg ki fache paske se pa Gerard Pierre Charles ke Aristide te mete kom Premye Minis eske yo genyen rezon? personelman mwen pa kwè Aristide te ka fè sa paske se ta yon swisid politik.byen ke yo kouri ak li kan menm a koz de ineksperyans li men nan eta Aristide jwen ayiti eske se vre Arisitide te ka mete yon politisyen tankou gerard Pierre charles chef gouvenman nan epok saa .se pou sa mwen di zafè Premye Minis sa kreye plis pwoblem ke li rezoud nan peyi ya.li toujou kreye yon diskord ,yon goumen nan pouvwa ekzwekitif la men san wont yo pap di non engouh is enough an nou aboli konstitutyon 1987 yon fwa pou tout pou nou eliminen fonktyon saa.
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Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia Empty
MessageSujet: Re: Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia   Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia EmptyDim 4 Mar 2012 - 10:20

Mwenmenm ,mwen pa t janm gen konfyans lan GERARD PIERRE CHARLES.Misye te pwovoke yon RELE ANMWE lan milye anti-divalyeris pwogresis lan NOUYÒK yo ,lè li t al chita ak mesye JOSEPH ,HAITI OBSERVATEUR yo ,anvan 1986.
Mesye sa yo te gen yon repitasyon ILTRA-DWAT lan NOUYÒK.
Sa te deja montre alyans mesye OPL yo ,sou direksyon PIERRE CHARLES ta pral fè ak mesye EKSTRÈM DWAT DIVALYERIS yo pou yo konbat ARISTIDE.
PIERRE CHARLES te deja montre chemen an,lan fen ane70s yo.
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MessageSujet: Re: Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia   Aristide's Brain by Pooja Bhatia EmptyDim 4 Mar 2012 - 16:33

Mwen t'ap tande yon entelokiter k'ap eksplike ke pafwa plizye gran desizyon ki te vin benefik pou USA an patikilye et pou lot peyi, se te prezidan ki te diagnostike yon ti jan mantal. Aristid gen yon ti kote Professeur Tournesol se vre wi men mwen prefere janr de neg konsa mil fwa paske se pa tit-Albert li genyen tankou on seri de fucked up, crack-heads ak cocainomanes k'ap pran poz leader e ki pwal antre lan koze politik etranje lakay yo.

Mwen pa gen anyen kontr chanman, kontr eleksyon, kontr peson' ki gen aspirasyon politik ou ki vle vin chef. Men se pou yon moun konn sa li pwal fe ak pouvwa e se pa vin kanpe an Louis-Jean Beauge ap menase pou defet sa ki bon ke w pa't reyalize. Se pa vin ak agenda pou ramne on peyi ki deja ase aryere an arye.

Gen neg kin we fason blan ap fonksyone e ki deklare ke nou ka fe parey. Mwen se pa konsa m'we bagay yo paske sa pran aprantisaj e konen ke devlopman imen pase anvan devlopman kapitalis. Tankou on seri de moun kwe ke Ayiti ap fe progre paske tout moun ak yon cellulaire lan main yo. Ala fasil. Poutan menm lan peyi bor isit moun ap plenyen ke teknoloji sa yo deja pwale tro vit pou yo. Donk, se lan prese ki fe nou gen anpil problem an Ayiti, se lan seye mete'n sou konpa lot moun ki fe nou gen yon kapital ki vale tout resous ak reset peyi a pou ka kreye plis mizer.

Calife la va eskize'm si m'pran woulib pou pale anpil.

Mwen pa reziye men mwen reyalis pou konprand ke pou le moman pa gen anyen serye gouvenman sa a ap fe an Ayiti. Peyi a te bezwen yon tranzisyon long malerezman e pi yo lage'l lan main yon klik pouriti ak tricheurs. Aristid pa gen anyen pou l'di lan sa k'ap pase lan peyi a avan lot acteurs sept dernieres annees bay eksplikasyon.

Ayisyen kwe ke zot pran'n oserye aloske ke nou lwen pa gen lot peyi sou te a kote vre malfekte ap sikile en toute impunite. Ki kote w tande, lan syekl n'ap viv la, ke yon neg ki t'ap defand dwa moun, yon pesonalite tankou Lovinski Pierre antoine fe disparet e pi tout moun, menm lEta fe silans sou sa. Omwen yo ka di ke Jean Dominique te jwen moso loner.

Tout sa Aristid ka fe, se ede lan fondasyon pou demen e se pou sa mwen misye sou li kom yon amiral, men m'pa neseseman kwe ke misye dwe retounen sou pouvwa. Paske li le pou lot Ayisyen k'ap pale yo pran respponsabilite yo pou se pa Sweet Mickey ak lot ti opotinis k'ap fin chita lan tet peyi a.

Mwen pa vle mele lan koze futur premyei minis yo, paske pou mwen se pa se pa pos PM la ki vre problem la. Li se jis yon kouveti pou lit pouvwa k'ap fet antre makak ak babouin. Lan ki peyi nou tande ke tout tan se lan goumen, se lan negosyasyon pou chwazi yon premye minis. Kote se bagay serye k'ap fet te dwe gen dispozisyon lan la loi pou kan moman rive pou met yon premye minis ke tout bagay kle e ke se palman Ayisyen ki ratifye sa.

Si Aristid pa pale e si nou kwe lan li, pito sa ki renmen'n tou d'bon suiv li olye ke y'ap prese antre misye lan koze yo. Kote ki gen manti, atitid mwen se toujou chita gad neg k'ap tonbe lan prop pelen yo.

Menm si neg kon abitye ede neg, lan liv pa'm la, lan zafe pouvwa se manti. Depi n'ap pot nom Ayisyen neg itilize pouvwa pou fe anpil mal lan peyi sa a. Trop faux-jeton, trop divizyon. Power struggle. Yo vle pou n'ap tande 2 kan k'ap tire sou lot le gen remou politik.

Prezidan Aristid, kite yo pale de w men pa al fe bri lan koze a-tout-faire yo non.
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