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 Yon atik FASINAN sou PWOBLEM DOMINIKEN-AYISYEN an!

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MessageSujet: Yon atik FASINAN sou PWOBLEM DOMINIKEN-AYISYEN an!   Ven 3 Juil 2015 - 7:41

Apa de ATIK sou KOUDETA 2004 lan ke NEW YORK TIMES te pibliye an 2006 ;se youn lan RA FWA ,mwen dako ak preske tout bagay mesye NEW YORK TIMES ekri.

JONATHAN KATZ eksplike yon ANG ki ka ENTRIGE MOUN.
Misye di ke se kom si DOMINIKEN yo ,gen yon KONPLEKS ENFERYORITE pa rapo ak AYISYEN yo.
Apre tou ,lot bo ZILE an ;gen yon RAS NEG ,dapre JONATHAN KATZ ki te defet PWISAN LAME NAPOLEON yo ,pa gen anyen konparab ke DOMINIKEN yo ka REKLAME.
Alos ,sel jan sou ZILE sa a ,dapre JONATHAN KATZ pou yo montre yo se yon zafe ,pou yo FOJE yon IDANTITE se pou yo RAPETISE AYISYEN yo.
Mwen regret ke ATIK lan ,se ann ANGLE.Se ap lan NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE ,DIMANCH ki ap vini an:
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/02/magazine/the-dominican-time-bomb.html



The Dominican Time Bomb


By JONATHAN M. KATZJULY 2, 2015
 
A Dominican soldier at the National Migration Office in Santo Domingo on June 24. The government provided buses for Haitians to deport themselves voluntarily after a new law threw their citizenship status into doubt. Credit Ricardo Rojas/Reuters  

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In early 2006, my first long-term overseas posting as a journalist took me to the Dominican Republic. From my new home in Santo Domingo, I planned to write about tourism, baseball, corruption and drug trafficking, while working on my Spanish. If things went well, I figured, I might even get to cross the island of Hispaniola’s international border, into Haiti, whose chronic crises — including a recent coup d’état that had overthrown the president — drew more international interest.

To my surprise, I arrived in the midst of a crisis of the Dominicans’ own. Two dozen Haitian immigrants had suffocated to death in the back of a van headed toward Santo Domingo. Each year, thousands of Haitians venture east into the Dominican Republic in search of low-wage jobs in agriculture and construction and at the big all-inclusive resorts. The 69 migrants in the van paid about $70 each to be stuffed in like cattle, with no room to breathe. Dominican police officers learned of their deaths when the drivers began throwing bodies out of the van as it sped down the highway.

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A sign advertising the future site of a center being built to receive Haitians deported from the Dominican Republic, close to the border in Fond-Parisien, Haiti. Credit Hector Retamal/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images  

A couple of weeks after the van tragedy, with tensions over immigration running high, people in a central Dominican town burned the homes of Haitians and Dominican-born people of Haitian descent (the Dominican media and politicians tend to lump the two groups together, simply referring to both as haitianos). The arsonists were set off by rumors — never proven true — that a haitiano had raped a little girl. A major local paper headlined its story, “In Monte de la Jagua, They Don’t Want Haitianos.” The next day’s headline was more ominous: “Haitianos Disappear.” When I called the national police chief for comment, he wondered aloud if the victims had burned their own homes in preparation for leaving the country.

Like so many visitors to the Dominican Republic before and since, I saw a deep vein of racism and xenophobia that a world more interested in the country’s beaches and ballplayers generally prefers to ignore. That changed last month, when news spread of the Caribbean nation’s plan to expel hundreds of thousands of residents of Haitian descent. In broad daylight, the Dominican military showed off buses to transport the deportees; “processing centers” awaited exiles at the border.

“How is this possible?” tweeted the American antiracism activists at Dream Defenders. But for those who know the Dominican Republic well, the impending forced exodus seemed like the logical culmination of decades of hate: a long-ticking time bomb finally poised to go off.

After a raft of criticism from the United States and elsewhere — demands for a reprieve from Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the United Nations high commissioner for refugees; protesters at Dominican government offices in Miami, New York, Washington and elsewhere carrying signs saying “Black Lives Matter” and “Stop Ethnic Cleansing”; a White House petition to pressure the Dominican government that has attracted 50,000 signatures so far — Dominican leaders reacted with denial. “We’re not going to accept false accusations of racism or xenophobia, which are baseless in a country that has been defined for centuries by the blending of cultures,” President Danilo Medina told Agence France-Presse during a summit last week in Guatemala.



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But the intensity of the hatred and violence long directed against Haitian immigrants and Dominicans of Haitian descent in Medina’s country — and against anyone black enough to be confused for either — is staggering, like something out of Mississippi in the 1890s, or Europe before World War II. In February, a Haitian shoe-shiner was lynched and hanged from a tree in a public park in the nation’s second-largest city, Santiago, while a crowd across town burned Haitian flags and chanted: “Haitians out! If it’s war they want, it’s war they’ll get!” Other victims identified as haitianos have been lynched in the past year for alleged infractions such as robbing a convenience store and burning a Dominican flag. Dominican newspapers are filled with cartoons depicting people of Haitian descent as bug-eyed, big-lipped golliwogs babbling Spanish in heavy dialect. When I lived in Santo Domingo, there were bars that openly denied entry to blacks, a practice that apparently persists.

On the most basic level, the ethnic friction in the Dominican Republic resembles the situation in borderlands around the world, from the Strait of Malacca to the Rio Grande: People from a poorer country go to a richer country in search of jobs and better lives, only to be used there as cheap labor. Nationalists and industrialists in the rich country exploit the resentment of the local working class, bound up with prejudices over race, culture and language, for their own financial and political gain. Vinicio Castillo Semán, a congressman from the ultra-right-wing National Progressive Force who is known as Vinchito, blames his country’s poverty on a “massive and uncontrolled Haitian invasion,” supported by a Dominican “fifth column” and bent on taking over the country. (His brother and fellow party member Pelegrín Castillo Semán is Medina’s former minister of energy and mines.)

But it’s not just a question of economics. Today the Dominican Republic is better off than Haiti, but the two countries had roughly the same levels of per-capita income in 1937, when tens of thousands of Haitians and black Dominicans were murdered on the orders of the Dominican Republic’s dictator, Rafael Trujillo — a massacre known by many today as El Corte (“The Cutting”). Nor is it a conflict between two nations. More than 200,000 of the haitianos slated for expulsion were born in the Dominican Republic. Many of the approximately 450,000 others have lived nearly all their lives in the country and have tenuous ties to Haiti at best. I recently talked to John Presime, a 23-year-old Internet-cafe owner on the northern Dominican coast. Born in a shantytown in Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince, he has lived in the Dominican Republic since he was 11. His 1-year-old daughter was born there. “If she is a foreigner, then where is she from?” he asked.

Rather than economics, it is a classic case of what Sigmund Freud called “the narcissism of minor differences.” In its early years, the Dominican Republic struggled to find an identity vis-à-vis its neighbor. Haiti had defeated Napoleon and the most powerful army in the world to end slavery and win its independence; the eastern half of Hispaniola, by comparison, was just another Spanish colony, which took 60 years more to break free.


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One thing that set Dominicans apart was a particular concept of race. Nearly everyone on the island of Hispaniola is descended from the West Africans and Central Africans enslaved and brought there to work the island’s once-bountiful plantations. (The native Taino people, who greeted Christopher Columbus there in 1492, were slaughtered in one of the most thorough genocides in human history.) But smaller numbers of slaves and different laws under the Spanish resulted in a higher proportion of people with mixed African and European ancestry than there was on the formerly French side of the island.

In a world where whiteness conferred power, and vice versa, Dominican elites began emphasizing these European roots, contrasting themselves with the more “African” Haitians and downplaying the countries’ many shared cultural influences — Roman Catholicism, Haitian voodoo and Dominican Santeria, music, language, art. Trujillo, who rose to power through a military guard installed by the 1916-24 American occupation, institutionalized that prejudice into a pseudoscientific state racism called antihaitianismo, in which schoolchildren learned the differences between “Dominican” and “Haitian” facial features. (Trujillo himself is said to have powdered his face to look whiter.) Fifty-four years after the dictator’s assassination, most dark-skinned Dominicans still identify themselves by terms such as “indio-oscuro,” or “dark Indian” — an allusion to the murdered Tainos. “Negro” is reserved for haitianos.

This can be confusing for Americans, whose ideas of race go back to the “one-drop rule,” instead of the subtler but no less pernicious Spanish racial caste system. In the Caribbean, race is often as much a question of hairstyle, culture and speech as it is a question of skin color. In that system, being Dominican often comes down primarily to not being Haitian — and thus not being black. Policing that line has taken a lot of violence, sometimes by the law.

Citizenship is at the heart of the current crisis. The Dominican Constitution, like its American counterpart, confers citizenship on anyone born in the country’s territory. But there are technical exceptions for the children of diplomats and anyone who can be said to be “in transit.” For years, and in defiance of multiple rulings by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Dominican authorities have exploited that vague second loophole to refuse papers and passports to anyone of Haitian descent, arguing that even families who have been in the country for generations are “temporary.” Those who have tried to advocate for the rights of Dominico-Haitians to fully integrate into society, such the late activist Sonia Pierre, have worked under constant surveillance and threats.

In September 2013, the Dominican Constitutional Court moved to settle “La Cuestión Haitiana” for good. In an extraordinary ruling, the justices revoked the citizenship of anyone in the Dominican Republican born to those the court deemed “foreigners in transit” since 1929. More than 200,000 people, nearly all of them Dominico-Haitians, were instantly rendered stateless and eligible for deportation.

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Medina’s government announced a national program — the National Plan for Regularization of Foreigners in Irregular Migratory Situations — that threatened the country’s three-quarters of a million haitianos with deportation. A May 2014 law laid out a program in which those who had lost their citizenship could reapply. As the Haitian-American novelist Edwidge Danticat put it: “It’s as if the United States said, ‘Yes, everybody who has been here since 1930, you have to prove you’re a citizen. You have to go back to the place where you come from to get a birth certificate from there.’ ”

After disorganization and delays, the deadline was set for June 17, 2015. On that day, thousands massed at government offices, some protesting the deportations, others scrambling to get their papers in time. Then the clock struck midnight — and nothing happened.

Why? International pressure may have worked, for a time. Foreign investment is taking a hit. Dominican officials are busy decrying what they call an international conspiracy to discredit their country. Medina, who is up for re-election in 2016, has to walk his own fine line: appearing tough enough to appease right-wing critics in his government without going further than his backers in Washington and Brussels will allow.

But although attention elsewhere has moved on, the threat to hundreds of thousands of people in the Dominican Republic has not gone away. Dominican officials are clear that mass deportations are still planned. Fearing violence, at least 17,000 people with ties to Haiti have chosen to flee the country on their own, provoking fears of yet another humanitarian crisis in Haiti. In a gleefully Orwellian turn, Dominican authorities responded by offering a “free bus service to take migrants to the border.” They say at least 1,000 people have been transported so far.

Presime told me he hasn’t gone to work since the deadline passed for fear of being separated from his daughter. “Immigration could come looking in the middle of the night and surprise us,” he told me by phone. “It is insanity.” For people like him, who have no family or support on the other side of the border, the Dominican Republic is the only home they can imagine. If the bomb does go off, there will be nowhere for them to go.




Jonathan M. Katz is a freelance journalist and the author of “The Big Truck That Went By: How the World Came to Save Haiti and Left Behind a Disaster.”


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MessageSujet: Re: Yon atik FASINAN sou PWOBLEM DOMINIKEN-AYISYEN an!   Ven 3 Juil 2015 - 21:27


Tout sa Jonatan Katz di laa, se verite. E analiz yo se sa menm.

Men kote swadizan jounalis ak ekriven e menm inivèsitè Ayisyen yo?

Poukisa se blan ki pou toujou ap pran defans Ayiti ak Ayisyen pandan
gen moun ki ap gouye lan manifestasyon Mateli?
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MessageSujet: Re: Yon atik FASINAN sou PWOBLEM DOMINIKEN-AYISYEN an!   Sam 4 Juil 2015 - 8:37

SASAYE;

Mwen doute ke w ap li sa JONATHAN KATZ ekri yo ,sou menm yon JOUNAL tankou NOUVELLISTE.

Pou komanse ATIK MANCH LONG ke NEW YORK TIMES te ekri sou KOUDETA 2004 lan ,kote li mete RESPONSABILITE sou KOUDETA a ;kote yo te nonmen NON e responsabilize ETAZINI lan KOUDETA a ;ou pa t janm te we NOUVELLISTE pale de sa.

Pou RADYO yomenm ,bliye sa;petet se yon lot JENERASYON sa w rele ENTELEKTYEL yo ,ke AYITI bezwen.
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MessageSujet: Re: Yon atik FASINAN sou PWOBLEM DOMINIKEN-AYISYEN an!   Lun 6 Juil 2015 - 11:43

Lan yon EDITORYAL AYE DIMANCH lan ;NEW YORK TIMES mande pou DOMINIKEN yo sispann.

AGIMAN yon NEG tankou MEDINA se ke DOMINIKEN pa ka RASIS si yo konsidere ke plis ke 80% POPILASYON DOMINIKEN an se NWA ak MILAT.

NYT di yo sispann SEVI ak AYISYEN yo kom FOUTBOL POLITIK,le POLITISYEN yo lan DIFIKILTE delivre SEVIS bay POPILASYON yo:



The Dominican Republic Must Stop Expulsions of Haitians


By ROXANNA ALTHOLZ and LAUREL E. FLETCHERJULY 5, 2015


A HUMAN rights crisis is unfolding on the island of Hispaniola, which is shared by the Dominican Republic and Haiti.

The Dominican Republic is threatening to drive out hundreds of thousands of Haitians who live and work in the Dominican Republic. Many of them came to work in the sugar, construction and tourism industries.

Recently, the Dominican Republic demanded that they come forward and register for legal residency or be forced to return to Haiti. Of an estimated 450,000 Haitian migrants in the country, some 290,000 filed by the deadline to register, June 17 (which reportedly has been extended). But so far, less than 2 percent of them have been granted legal status. Although the country’s threat to deport Haitians en masse hasn’t yet materialized, many workers have already fled to Haiti; the Dominican Republic recently put the number at about 30,000.

These migrants are not the only ones who face an uncertain future in the Dominican Republic.

Tens of thousands of Dominican citizens of Haitian descent, whose parents or grandparents had crossed the border for economic opportunities, live in legal limbo. Until 2010, the Constitution ostensibly granted citizenship to anyone born in the country. But many Dominicans were excluded because their parents were deemed to have been “in transit” at the time of their birth. Moreover, the authorities routinely denied papers and ID cards to Dominicans of Haitian descent without justification, often on the basis of their French or Creole surnames or their skin complexion. As a result, these people — along with Haitian migrant workers — have lived in constant fear of arbitrary expulsion to Haiti.

The government has denied that it discriminates against Haitian migrants or Dominicans of Haitian descent. It even says that the recent registration process was a success. These claims are not to be believed.

Over 10 years ago, on behalf of two girls of Haitian descent, we sued the Dominican Republic in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, challenging the onerous and expensive requirements Haitian parents who sought to obtain birth certificates for their Dominican-born children faced. Without these papers, the children couldn’t attend public school, marry, own property or vote.

In 2005, the court ordered the Dominican government to recognize the nationality of these children and to seek out and issue birth certificates to all such children. But the country has barely complied.

Almost immediately after the decision, a small group of racist, ultranationalist politicians orchestrated an aggressive campaign against the ruling. The legislature amended the Constitution in 2010 to exclude children of undocumented migrants from citizenship. A court retroactively stripped citizenship from people of Haitian descent, going back to the 1930s.

After an outcry, the government backtracked. To save face, it created a plan to restore citizenship to those who had been stripped of it, and to gradually legalize Haitian migrants who had made their lives in the Dominican Republic.


But then the government sabotaged its own plan by demanding that poor migrants — who might earn under $11 a day in the informal economy — furnish documents like pay stubs, letters of employment or proof of homeownership in order to obtain residency papers.

history of mass expulsions of Haitians. In 1937, the dictator Rafael Trujillo ordered the massacre of tens of thousands of them. The word in Santo Domingo now is that the government is about to deport Haitians — and those who look Haitian — en masse. Past roundups have been conducted under the cover of night. People were thrust out of their beds, without time to collect their belongings or show what papers they had. Parents were separated from their children, wives from their husbands, citizens from their homeland.
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Yes, the Dominican Republic is a developing country, and not the only nation that mistreats migrants and stateless people. But for decades, Haitians and their progeny have served as a scapegoat for Dominican politicians who blame them for poverty, disease and crime.

The Dominican Republic should put a halt to the sporadic roundups and summary expulsions. If it doesn’t, the international community must step in.

The United Nations and the Organization of American States should request that international monitors be stationed along the border and in detention centers to deter human rights abuses. If the Dominicans balk, they should be shunned at international forums. The United States, which gave about $30 million in aid to the Dominican Republic in 2012, must help prevent a humanitarian disaster.




Roxanna Altholz and Laurel E. Fletcher teach international human rights law at the University of California, Berkeley.



A version of this op-ed appears in print on July 6, 2015, on page A17 of the New York edition with the headline: A Calamity In­ the Caribbean. Order Reprints| Today's Paper|Subscribe



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