Rappel du premier message :

C’est vraiment étrange qu’on doit se résigner à appuyer un coup d’état à un gouvernement qui a été élu démocratiquement par son peuple. C’est vraiment triste et immoral. Mais une telle décision devrait se base sur une nécessité politique et humaine. Il faut qu’il y soit une urgence immédiate. Nous venons de passer prés de 30 ans de dictature, et maintenant une vingtaine d’années de bamboche démocratique et notre condition étant que peuple n’a rien apporte de positive, au contraire elle s’aggrave de mal en pire.

Un coup d’état est’ il l’antidote d’une dictatorship?

Quels sont les signes avant-coureurs d’un dictatorship et quel est le moment propice pour un coup d’état??
On demande de dechouker Président du Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe et le remplacer par qui et par quel system?
Nous arrivons dans un point ou il n’a plus de dictatorship, mais des clan-ships, des groupes des amis politiques, des banquiers ou gambistes qui décident de passer le pouvoir comme un ballon de football en faisant des petites passes l’un a l’autre. Sur le terrain ils changent de position, mais l’équipe reste, donc pas une chance pour des réservistes.
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A Man Who Once Loved Mugabe
By Anonymous
Sunday, June 29, 2008; B01
HARARE, Zimbabwe -- My father, who lives in Zimbabwe's countryside, wrote me a letter the other day. The 74-year-old man wrote that he had not had soap, cooking oil, sugar or tea leaves -- virtually anything -- for a very long time. Could I help? And if I had any old shoes that I was no longer using, could I send them to him?
I felt castrated as I read his words. Like many Zimbabweans, I am in no position to aid my loved ones; I had been out of a job for a whole year when I got the letter. My father might have forgotten that, or simply been so desperate that he just had to let me know about his plight.
The company I had worked for had closed down without any fanfare, and severance packages were not paid. In an eerie way, the demise of our company mirrored the demise of our country: The bosses at the top had proven adept at ruining the company, not at running it efficiently with the welfare of the people at heart. So we paid the price.
Now here was my father, asking for help I was honor-bound to give but simply could not provide. I was filled with impotent rage -- the same feeling my fellow citizens get as we watch Zimbabwe spiral out of control, caught in the turbulence of bad, self-serving decisions by the powers that be, ostensibly on our behalf but always at our expense.

In particular, my father's case fills me with simmering fury because he has been a staunch supporter of President Robert Mugabe's party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), ever since the 1960s, when he had served the liberation fighters in any way he could in their struggle against then-Rhodesia's British overlords. Back in the 1990s, when Mugabe's rule was turning sour, I was amazed still to find in my father's house an official portrait of the president.

When my father was in his early 60s, he wrote to inform me that he had taken up a job in a different district as a secretary for his beloved party. He was eventually forced to retire, and he has been trying to eke out a living as a peasant farmer ever since. My father has been devoted to the party that he says has nurtured him over the years. What does he have to show for it? The very people he has pledged his loyalty to over the decades are the ones responsible for his plight.

It is not just my father who is writing letters of lamentation; almost every one of us has plumbed the bottoms of our hearts every day. We may never write those thoughts down, but each moment we spend agonizing about how we are going to make ends meet is, in essence, the sending of a plea -- one that no one, sadly, seems to be able to answer.
T
he hope of change offered by the March 29 presidential election has been ruthlessly and systematically crushed, and all that remains is the stains of our butchered dreams. Like my father, we have all been betrayed, treated shoddily and been victimized for daring to speak our minds. In Zimbabwe, if you question a wrong or criticize an injustice, you are labeled a member of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. Since the regime rabidly calls the opposition puppets of the West, that label can have dire consequences.

One relative, a tobacco seller in his early 40s, was particularly bitter about the youth militia that is carrying out most of the regime's dirty work: boys and girls barely out of their teens who are ordering elderly men and women about with impunity. "Tisu tirikutonga," they declare: We are the ones in power and control. And so they are.

"What hurts me the most," my relative said, "is that at my age, I have to live in constant fear. To come here to Harare, we had to ask for permission, and on our return, we have to go and report that we are back. . . . I am not a politician. I just want to earn a decent living and get by."

"The problem is that there are people who did not tell Mugabe the truth," another relative pointed out. "They lied to him that he was still popular. When he came to address rallies, they bused people from all over the province, and it was the same crowds that were ferried to the different venues, most of them forced. When Mugabe saw them teeming in their multitudes, dutifully cheering and applauding him, he thought they truly loved him."

No longer. If anything, our trials and tribulations have deepened with the failure of March 29 to materialize into meaningful change -- a stillborn hope that haunts us.
There is a surreal quality to the crisis unfolding here. For the many citizens who depend on the state media, it is business as usual, featuring robust coverage of Mugabe's campaign appearances. Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's withdrawal from the run-off vote that was held Friday was treated like a non-event. One neighbor, a devout soccer fan, observed, "This is like having a penalty shootout with only one team.

" But Mugabe seems to see nothing wrong with banging the ball into an empty net, then sprinting down the field celebrating his victory. In fact, he does not seem to mind playing the entire match on his own. As long as he is playing, all is well with him.

But for the rest of us -- for my father, my relatives and friends, my country -- all is not well. The other day, a devout Mugabe supporter had assured a friend of mine that once Mugabe had clinched his victory, the terrible inflation wracking the economy would go down, probably a day or so after his inauguration.

Such people seem to believe that diesel could come out of a rock. We ordinary Zimbabweans do not deal with inflation by making unrealistic assurances; we deal with it in its grittier, raw form, in our day-to-day struggle for survival. Last week, Zimbabwe's dollar fell a staggering 80 percent on the country's illegal currency markets as people hunkered down before the presidential runoff. In barely a week, the price of a loaf of bread -- which can be found only on the black market -- has shot up from $1 billion to more than $6 billion, but even that could have changed by the time this article appears. In less than two weeks, we have watched the fares for a commuter omnibus, our common means of public transportation, shoot up from $500 million to a price somewhere in the billions.

In Zimbabwe, we talk of these billions without batting an eyelid. A friend from my neighborhood has a 4-year-old son who is in kindergarten. The other day, I saw this boy holding a wad of $50 million notes; unless they all amounted to a billion of our dollars, he could not buy a mere sweet with them.

Even our kindergarteners have to be billionaires these days. Zimbabwean tycoons now talk in terms of quadrillions of dollars. I still haven't been able to get my essentially artistic mind around denominations with nine zeroes, much less 15. You should see the people frowning, trying to count the bank notes.

As I count, I think of my father. His needs cannot be met, let alone my own. The skyrocketing rise in the cost of transport and basic goods, most of which can be bought only on the black market, means that what one earns is less than what one must spend on survival. Yet day in and day out, people trek to and from work.

I can only conclude that we have all been turned into criminals of one kind or another, selling and buying on the black market in order to make ends meet -- which they barely do. And all we want is better lives for ourselves and our children -- and an aging father who once believed in Robert Mugabe.
The author is a Zimbabwean writer. The Washington Post is withholding his name for safety reasons.

How to Handle Dictators
Wednesday, June 25, 2008; Page A12 Washington Post
In a June 22 Outlook commentary,
"The Only Answer to the Mugabes of the World May Be a Coup," Paul Collier advocated encouraging coups to topple dictators and achieve "improved governance" in "such sad little states as Zimbabwe and Burma."
For him, those countries' governments are equivalent to their leaders, President Robert Mugabe and Senior Gen. Than Shwe.
But history shows that coups beget counter-coups. While living and working in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, I witnessed sprees of illiberal governance that only worsened the prospects for democratic rule in those places. And if developed countries were to adopt Mr. Collier's recommendation, Mr. Mugabe would be likely to interpret that approach as vindicating his contention that neocolonial rule is the cause of Zimbabwe's ills.
The government in a country such as Zimbabwe or Burma is not merely a strongman but a collection of interests and groups.
Western countries should step up external pressure on the ruling cliques and support local initiatives that promote good governance.
This course is morally right and politically wise.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/gallery/2008/03/31/GA2008033101298.html?hpid=topnews

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/7476754.stm

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7476712.stm

Karl,
Comme disent les Chinois :la réalité n'est pas noire ou blanche ,elle est grise.il n'y a pas d'absolu.C'est ce que les chinois appellent "fuzzy logic".

Dans le cas d'Aristide quelque soit l'attitude qu'il avait adopté ,les Républicains le renverseraient.
Je me souviens qu'en 1990 ,le New York Times publiait dans sa page d'opinion ,des traductions des sermons d'Aristide ,comme celui "Le capitalisme est un péché mortel" ou bien "Le grand Satan du Nord" etc...

C'était avant l'élection d'Aristide à la présidence .Dés lors je me disais qu'Aristide était fichu s'il était élu président.
il importait peu ce qu'Aristide était ,c'était ce que il apparait ètre qui importait.
En Colombie ,c'est peu connu ,il y avait mème un mouvement des droits civiques de noirs colombiens qui se réclamait d'Aristide.

De mème que Reagan considérait MAURICE BISHOP une menace à l'hégémonie américaine ,Papa Bush le considérait de mème ;mème si qu'Aristide n'avait pas dirigé tellement à gauche.

Ce qu'on ne comprend pas c'est le deuxième coup d'Etat,mais George Bush Jr n'est pas très brillant.

Pour continuer dans la logique "fuzzy".Comment se fait il que cette nation de paysans ,je veux parler du Vietnam a défait la nation la plus technologiquement avancée de la planète ,je veux parler des Etats Unis.
Les Etats Unis avaient presque 600000 hommes sur le terrain avec les armes les plus sophistiquées au monde.
Aussi,si on entend une interview de l'un des plus grands généraux et stratéges de tous les temps ,je veux parler de cet instituteur VO NGUYEN GIAP,l'on comprend rait pourquoi les Etats Unis ne pouvaient pas gagner cette guerre.
Cette nation a défait les envahisseurs chinois à plusieurs reprises depuis le 13ème siècle ,puis les français et les etats Unis ,en usant les mèmes tactiques!
Bon...

Joel

Si Aristide était certain que les republicains le renverseraient,il faudrait donc l'accuser d'avoir affaibli l'état d'Haiti par sa tenacité à exercer le pouvoir en Haiti surtout son retour en 2001. N'est-ce pas Joel !

Marc,

Fais moi confiance, l'idee de forcer juridiquement la France a rembourser l'indu est en mon sens farfelue. Seule une solution diplomatique formalisee par une cooperation etroite dans divers domaines peut aboutir a une reconnaissance tacite par la France de cette violence ecomomique exercee sur Haiti. C'est mal connaitre la France que d'imaginer meme dans les reves les plus fous qu'une action devant un tribunal est envisageable.

Je ne connais pas les supers juristes haitiens qui ont prepare cette demande. mais a mon avis, ces theoriciens font fausse route. Pire, ils font peser la menace de sanctions ecnomiques injustes sur le peuple haitien.

Marc, tu es un homme pragmatique, tu vis au canada, tu as travaille avec ces gens, tu sais qu'ils n'aiment pas reconnaitre les defaites. La France ne reconnaitra d'aucune facon cet indu.
La France a suffisamment de moyens a tous les niveaux pour taire une telle demande. Il s'agit la d'une question de rappot de force. Ni plus ni moins. Quiconque connait un peu le fonctionnement de la justice internationale sait qu'elle coquille vide. Comment des juristes, fussent-t-ils les plus grands intellectuels d'Haiti peuvent croire qu'une solution juridique est possible.

Ne partons pas dans des croisades dessaliniennes. Sur un plan juridique. l'action en remboursement est prescrite. Aucun tribunal n'acceptera de juger justement cette affaire. Je suis attriste de vous dire que le droit international n'existe pas. Seul compte le rapport de force. Dans ce domaine, Haiti ne vaut pas deux gourdes.

La strategie n'est pas la voie des tribunaux. Mais bien celle du dialogue. La France pourrait l'accepter mais sans le tohu bohu mediatique. Celui qui vous dit le contraire ne connait pas la France et n'est pas un ami du peuple haitien qui mange de la boue pour survivre.

Ne continuons pas une guerre de fierte mal placee.

Pou ki sa retou Preval pa yon ere?Se paske li pi pa gen karakte?li pi renmen blan nan ke peyi'l?,Marc

Il reste deux et demie pour evaluer le deuxième mandat du président Préval. Si la tendance se maintient, je vous avoue que c'était une erreur d'avoir encouragé le retour du président Préval. Attendons la fin de son mandat avant de parler d'erreur dans ce cas précis.

S'agissant de mon bon président neg lakay o Kay le docteur Aristide . Sans hésiter j'affirme que c'était une erreur de sa part et de la part des penseurs du parti Fanmi Lavalas d'avoir accepté et encouragé son retour en fevrier 2001. C'est malheureux à dire mais c'est une vérité toute nue.

La fin du règne du dictateur Mugabe ...approche.

Mm Mm!

Menm apre Mugabe mouri, la p rete ero endepandans Zimbabwe.

Nèg ki te fout Ian Smith ak sistèm apartheid li ya deyo, pandan Angletè ak rès Eropeyen yo ta p benefisye esklavaj afriken yo.

Nèg ki fè Rhodezi vin tounen Zimbabwe.

Sasaye di :

Citation:

Mm Mm! Menm apre Mugabe mouri, la p rete ero endepandans Zimbabwe. Nèg ki te fout Ian Smith ak sistèm apartheid li ya deyo, pandan Angletè ak rès Eropeyen yo ta p benefisye esklavaj afriken yo. Nèg ki fè Rhodezi vin tounen Zimbabwe.

Sasaye, Nou tout gen respe pou Prezidan Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe pou kouraj ke li montre pandan batay indepandans peyi Afrik di Sud yo.
Saaa pa gen manti nan sa.

Sepandan, Mugabe gen 84 zan e li konprand ke lit indepandan e rasism poko fini. Fok lit la kontinye toujou.

Men pwoblem nan se ke Mugabe konprand ke se li mem’m Selman ki kap Mennen lit sila.

Li pa we, ni prepare lot moun pou ranplase’m. Li gen yon mantalite ke se li ki sel koq ki chante nan baskou a.
Apre li se le neyan!!

Se sak fe ke le yon diktate o pouvwa ou byen ale e li pa prepare yon moun pou ranplase’l, peyi a vinn tounnen san direktion.
Tout lajan budje disparet.
Tout proje sispand.
Tout moun vle chef memm sa ki kite peyi a depi 40 tan.!!

M'kap di ke neg intellijan nan diktate yo sete Rafael Trujillo nan Dominikani ki te prepare Balaguer pou pran plas li e tout Dominiken te konnen sa a lavans.

Papa Doc Duvalier nan peyi d’Ayiti te prepare e mete pitit li komm siksese’r e tout makout e opozan te konnen sa.
Baby Doc pap gen tan fe’l paske li te tro jenn e li te konprand ke li te a vie vre.

Pouwa se yon bagay ke le yon moun genyen li ke moun nan se prezidan, general, manager, memm jeran lakou, se pa fasil pou li volonte’rman remet pouvwa.

Yo panse ke se avek fos kouraj yo ke yo te pran’l donk se avek fos kouraj pou yon lot moun vinn retire’l nan men yo.

Fok se mouri pou moun sa mouri ou byen assasine’l pou yo assasine’l.

Nou memm Ayisyen, nou gen mantalite sa de 1804 jiska no jou.

Konnyen la, gen yon maladi Kolera kap finn ravaje Zimbabwe mou nap mouri kankou mouch, yon ekonomi kap degrenngole san rete.

Li le e li tan pou Mugabe alè!! Mugabe must Go !!

Se yon nesesite, paske plis ke ‘l rete o pouvwa se plis ke sitiasyon an ap vinn pi mal e se plis tan peyi Zimbabwe ap bezwen pou repran fos li!!!
Nou memm Ayisyen, nou konn pwoblem sa tre byen piske nap viv li depi 1804 jiska konnyen la.

Sasaye voye yon email bay hero indepandans wou an e di'l ke li le e li tan deja pou'm bay yon lot fe yon kou tou
Nou pa ta remen we sang inosan koule pou gran-mesi.

Revelasyon

Ki pwoblèm w ak Mugabe?
Eske se menm pwoblèm angle ak meriken yo genyen?
Eske ou te gen tè lan Zimbabwe lan epòk Rodezi ke msye te pataje ak afriken ki te goumen avè l pou endepandans Zimbabwe?

Si se sa, ou pa konprann ke se sèl rezon moun sayo gen pwoblèm ak Mugabe? Ki fout mele yo ki moun ki ap dirije peyi afriken saa ak tout kolera li.
Yo pa t gen pwoblem ak Mobutu, Bokassa oubyen De Klerk.

Yo te mande pou chef opozisyon an te gouvènen peyi a. Ebyen se li ki premye minis kounyea.

Se Zimbabweyen ki pou deside si se pou prezidan yo ale.
Se pa ni wou, ni mwen.
Alo mwen pa gen oken email pou voye bay misye.

Dènye fwa m gade, mwen te wè ou se yon ansyen ayisyen ki tounen yon repibliken meriken.

Ou pa ta kapab zimbabweyen tou, amwenske ou gen twa nasyonalite.
E si w ta zimbabweyen, ki sa w ta ye: yon blan ou yon nwa?