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 Excellent billet sur le Honduras

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MessageSujet: Excellent billet sur le Honduras   Ven 31 Juil 2009 - 14:36

http://louisprefontaine.com/2009/06/30/honduras-coup-d-etat


Que le nouveau régime issu du coup d’État au Honduras arrive ou non à s’implanter n’est pas seulement lourd de conséquences pour les Honduriens eux-mêmes. Il s’agit avant tout d’un test pour Obama et pour sa capacité à rompre avec la doctrine de son prédécesseur. Quand celui-ci refuse de reconnaître les nouveaux dirigeants auto-proclamés du petit pays d’Amérique centrale, il envoie un message clair aux autres puschistes tentés par les mêmes méthodes: le pouvoir a changé de main à Washington, prenez-en note!

Source de l’image
En effet, pour George W. Bush, la fin justifiait les moyens. C’est bel et bien sous sa présidence que les États-Unis ont tenté de renverser Hugo Chavez, président du Vénézuela, en 2002. C’est également grâce à lui que les États-Unis ont renversé Jean-Bertrand Aristide, président élu d’Haïti en 2004. Pour l’ancien dirigeant américain, tout comme pour Reagan, qui a renversé le gouvernement de gauche sandiniste au Nicaragua quelques décennies plus tôt, tous les moyens étaient bons pour arriver à ses fins et mettre en place des régimes plus sympathiques aux intérêts de Washington et des transnationales qui représentent le pays.
Obama, par contre, reprend les idéaux de Clinton: démocratie, liberté, respect du droit. On ne veut plus gagner par la force, mais par les coeurs. On espère qu’en se montrant ouvert et attaché au respect de ces valeurs, les gouvernements d’Amérique latine se déradicaliseront.
Pourtant, le but est le même: empêcher les peuples de l’Amérique latine de s’organiser et de prendre le contrôle de leur destin.
Ce conflit entre ces deux visions du monde s’est cristallisé au Honduras.
À l’origine du conflit, ce n’est pas tant le désir du président Zelaya d’organiser un référendum pour avoir le droit de se représenter aux prochaines élections, mais bien la décision de ce dernier de transformer la base aérienne de Soto Cano, abritant un contingent américain de 600 militaires, en aéroport affecté au trafic commercial. Comme l’explique Thierry Meyssan, Soto Cano possède la seule piste permettant d’accueillir de gros transporteurs en Amérique Centrale et est une base d’écoute indispensable pour le commandement militaire américain affecté à l’Amérique du Sud. De plus, Soto Cano est dirigée par le colonel Richard A. Juergens, qui aurait dirigé l’enlèvement du président haïtien Jean-Bertrand Aristide alors qu’il était le directeur du SOC (Special Operations Command).
Ainsi, lorsque le président Zelaya a révoqué Roméo Vasquez, son chef d’état-major qui tentait de bloquer l’organisation du référendum, celui-ci a pu trouver une oreille attentive pour ourdir ses plans. Surtout que Vasquez a été formé à la très infâme School of the Americas, un centre américain de formation de militaires sud-américains aux techniques de violence contre les civils. Vasquez y a « étudié » deux fois: en 1976 et en 1984. Le chef des forces de l’air, Gen. Luis Javier Prince Suazo, y a « étudié » en 1996. Notons que lorsque l’armée a refusé de distribuer les bulletins de vote, ceux-ci étaient stockés sur une base de l’Air Force et que c’est également à partir de cette même base que Zelaya fut déporté vers le Costa Rica après le coup d’État.
Malgré tout, avant le coup d’État, Zelaya assurait avoir le soutien des États-Unis: « Si je suis assis ici au palais présidentiel, en train de vous parler, c’est grâce aux États-Unis ». Il affirmait avoir discuté avec Washington et s’être assuré de son soutien contre quelque élément subversif que ce soit. Quelques heures plus tard, il était renversé.
Ce que cet enchaînement démontre, c’est que de nombreux militaires américains et sud-américains attachés aux méthodes de Bush n’ont pas encore pris acte du changement de cap de l’administration Obama. Le but est toujours le même (dominer l’Amérique du Sud), mais les méthodes ont changé. Selon l’administration Obama, un tel coup d’État ne peut que refroidir les relations entre les autres gouvernements progressistes du sous-continent et Washington et ainsi nuire aux efforts du président pour normaliser les relations avec le Vénézuela, entre autres. Aurait-on voulu nuire à Obama qu’on n’aurait pas agi différemment.
Lorsqu’il dénonce ce coup d’État, Obama est logique et cohérent avec lui-même. Maintenant, et au-delà des mots, aura-t-il le courage d’ordonner une action militaire pour redonner aux Honduriens leur démocratie?
Car ce n’est pas avec les mots qu’on juge un individu, mais avec ses gestes.
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MessageSujet: Re: Excellent billet sur le Honduras   Ven 31 Juil 2009 - 15:55

Le titre du post en dit beaucoup! Monsieur Jean Lafontaine doit reviser ses batteries. Je doute fort qu'un coup d'etat (?) aurait pu aoir lieu sans la connaissance et le signal Go AHEAD de l'actuel president americain! L'auteur de cette bavure a negligee les exces de zels et les demarches anti democratiques et meme illegale de Zeyala et de Jean Bertrand Aristide! Sans appuyer aucun mouvement de coup d'etat, je soutiens que les president democratiquement elu n'ont pas un feu vert permanent afin de violer les lois de leurs pays ou d'inciter une partie du peupple a la violence contre d'autres vitaux du pays!
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MessageSujet: Re: Excellent billet sur le Honduras   Lun 3 Aoû 2009 - 20:53

<LI class=dateStamp>[size=7]AUGUST 2, 2009, 9:15 P.M. ET
What Haiti Can Teach Us About Honduras


After Clinton backed Aristide, key Democrats went into business with the Haitian.




In October 1994, President Bill Clinton used the U.S. military to force Haiti to take back former President Jean Bertrand Aristide, an intolerant populist who had been deposed in a coup three years earlier. The Haitian people didn’t fare well under the decade of Aristide tyranny and corruption following that U.S. intervention. But key Democrats, who secured contracts with the Haitian government, did.
This sad chapter in U.S. foreign policy is a reminder of the immortal words of the French statesman Charles Talleyrand: “Countries don’t have friends, they have interests.” The Clinton administration had interests in Haiti. And that fact is worth recalling as President Barack Obama, defying all logic, insists that Castro-ally Manuel Zelaya be restored to the presidency in Honduras.
The democratically elected Aristide took office in February 1991. When the national legislature considered a no-confidence vote against his prime minister, René Préval, in August, he called on his supporters to take to the streets. The mobs set property on fire and threatened members of the opposition. The Associated Press quoted the vice president of the Chamber of Deputies saying that many representatives were “afraid to sleep in their own homes.” After weeks of terror, Aristide was removed from office by the military and went into exile in Washington.
Haiti’s assets in the U.S. were frozen. But then-President George H. W. Bush released them to Aristide on the grounds that he was the legitimate president. The largest source of hard currency was the income to the telephone monopoly, Haiti Teleco, from U.S. carriers terminating phone traffic in the country. In the summer of 1994 Haiti’s legislature claimed it had proof that as of April 15, Aristide had drawn $49.9 million on the telephone account, which had originally contained $53 million.
Once restored to power, Aristide ruled Haiti for a decade, either as president or as the power behind the throne during the presidency of Mr. Préval. It wasn’t until he was chased out of the country a second time, in 2004, that Haitians were able to document that their government had been doing business in telecommunications with Americans who were close to Mr. Clinton.
View Full Image


Associated Press

Supporters of Haiti's ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide hold up signs with images of him.



Haitians had been complaining to me since the late 1990s about the relationship between Haiti Teleco and a company called Fusion Telecommunications. They alleged that Fusion had ties to Joseph P. Kennedy II, a vociferous supporter of Aristide, and that instead of paying the official settlement rate that all U.S. carriers were supposed to pay, it was getting a special price. The company would not even acknowledge that it operated in Haiti. What I did learn at that time was that Fusion was run by former Democratic Party Finance Chairman Marvin Rosen. Mr. Kennedy was on the board. So too was Mr. Clinton’s former aide, Thomas “Mack” McLarty, and former Mississippi Democratic Gov. Ray Mabus.
The U.S.-Haiti telecom route is one of the busiest in the hemisphere. But weird things happened when I tried to learn about Fusion’s Haiti business.
Contracts with foreign monopolies are supposed to be public information at the Federal Communications Commission, but when I asked for the Haiti file I was told it had gone missing. The FCC asked companies for duplicate copies of contracts so it could recreate the public file. But Fusion went to court to keep me from seeing its agreement. I won that fight.
The Fusion contract shows that while the settlement rate for terminating calls to Haiti was 46 cents a minute, Fusion paid just 12 cents. When I saw the contract I immediately thought of how Haitian pleas for U.S. help during the decade of Aristide abuses went unheeded. Then I thought of Talleyrand.
The Honduran constitutional crisis is very different than the Haiti case, in that the Honduran military has never been in charge. When Mr. Zelaya was deported, the presidency was passed, as the constitution requires, to the president of Congress. Mr. Zelaya’s party is still governing the country.
Yet there are important lessons from Bill Clinton’s Haiti policy that hold for Honduras. One is that the U.S. is more than capable of misjudging a constitutional crisis and of backing the wrong guy. When it does, there is no guarantee it will rectify the problem.
Another lesson from Haiti is that a Caribbean despot can offer good terms to foreign investors. Since the Haiti episode Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez has conducted a courtship with Democrats too. He gives Mr. Kennedy’s Citizen’s Energy company cut-price home-heating oil that the former Massachusetts congressman distributes to the poor in order to polish the Democrats’ image. Never mind about Venezuelans suffering under chavismo.
This is something to keep in mind as the Obama administration proposes that the U.S. embargo on Cuba be modified so Americans can invest in its telecom sector. It’s not clear how those contracts will be awarded. Or what one would have to do to raise the odds of being considered in the running.
Write to O’Grady@wsj.com



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MessageSujet: Re: Excellent billet sur le Honduras   Lun 3 Aoû 2009 - 21:20

Maximo a écrit:
<li class="dateStamp">[size=7]AUGUST 2, 2009, 9:15 P.M. ET
What Haiti Can Teach Us About Honduras


After Clinton backed Aristide, key Democrats went into business with the Haitian.





In October 1994, President Bill Clinton used the U.S. military to force Haiti to take back former President Jean Bertrand Aristide, an intolerant populist who had been deposed in a coup three years earlier. The Haitian people didn’t fare well under the decade of Aristide tyranny and corruption following that U.S. intervention. But key Democrats, who secured contracts with the Haitian government, did.
This sad chapter in U.S. foreign policy is a reminder of the immortal words of the French statesman Charles Talleyrand: “Countries don’t have friends, they have interests.” The Clinton administration had interests in Haiti. And that fact is worth recalling as President Barack Obama, defying all logic, insists that Castro-ally Manuel Zelaya be restored to the presidency in Honduras.
The democratically elected Aristide took office in February 1991. When the national legislature considered a no-confidence vote against his prime minister, René Préval, in August, he called on his supporters to take to the streets. The mobs set property on fire and threatened members of the opposition. The Associated Press quoted the vice president of the Chamber of Deputies saying that many representatives were “afraid to sleep in their own homes.” After weeks of terror, Aristide was removed from office by the military and went into exile in Washington.
Haiti’s assets in the U.S. were frozen. But then-President George H. W. Bush released them to Aristide on the grounds that he was the legitimate president. The largest source of hard currency was the income to the telephone monopoly, Haiti Teleco, from U.S. carriers terminating phone traffic in the country. In the summer of 1994 Haiti’s legislature claimed it had proof that as of April 15, Aristide had drawn $49.9 million on the telephone account, which had originally contained $53 million.
Once restored to power, Aristide ruled Haiti for a decade, either as president or as the power behind the throne during the presidency of Mr. Préval. It wasn’t until he was chased out of the country a second time, in 2004, that Haitians were able to document that their government had been doing business in telecommunications with Americans who were close to Mr. Clinton.
View Full Image


Associated Press

Supporters of Haiti's ousted President Jean-Bertrand Aristide hold up signs with images of him.



Haitians had been complaining to me since the late 1990s about the relationship between Haiti Teleco and a company called Fusion Telecommunications. They alleged that Fusion had ties to Joseph P. Kennedy II, a vociferous supporter of Aristide, and that instead of paying the official settlement rate that all U.S. carriers were supposed to pay, it was getting a special price. The company would not even acknowledge that it operated in Haiti. What I did learn at that time was that Fusion was run by former Democratic Party Finance Chairman Marvin Rosen. Mr. Kennedy was on the board. So too was Mr. Clinton’s former aide, Thomas “Mack” McLarty, and former Mississippi Democratic Gov. Ray Mabus.
The U.S.-Haiti telecom route is one of the busiest in the hemisphere. But weird things happened when I tried to learn about Fusion’s Haiti business.
Contracts with foreign monopolies are supposed to be public information at the Federal Communications Commission, but when I asked for the Haiti file I was told it had gone missing. The FCC asked companies for duplicate copies of contracts so it could recreate the public file. But Fusion went to court to keep me from seeing its agreement. I won that fight.
The Fusion contract shows that while the settlement rate for terminating calls to Haiti was 46 cents a minute, Fusion paid just 12 cents. When I saw the contract I immediately thought of how Haitian pleas for U.S. help during the decade of Aristide abuses went unheeded. Then I thought of Talleyrand.
The Honduran constitutional crisis is very different than the Haiti case, in that the Honduran military has never been in charge. When Mr. Zelaya was deported, the presidency was passed, as the constitution requires, to the president of Congress. Mr. Zelaya’s party is still governing the country.
Yet there are important lessons from Bill Clinton’s Haiti policy that hold for Honduras. One is that the U.S. is more than capable of misjudging a constitutional crisis and of backing the wrong guy. When it does, there is no guarantee it will rectify the problem.
Another lesson from Haiti is that a Caribbean despot can offer good terms to foreign investors. Since the Haiti episode Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez has conducted a courtship with Democrats too. He gives Mr. Kennedy’s Citizen’s Energy company cut-price home-heating oil that the former Massachusetts congressman distributes to the poor in order to polish the Democrats’ image. Never mind about Venezuelans suffering under chavismo.
This is something to keep in mind as the Obama administration proposes that the U.S. embargo on Cuba be modified so Americans can invest in its telecom sector. It’s not clear how those contracts will be awarded. Or what one would have to do to raise the odds of being considered in the running.
Write to O’Grady@wsj.com
</li><li class="dateStamp">
</li><li class="dateStamp"> Se yon atik peye e komande



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Excellent billet sur le Honduras
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