Dedie a Joel/Voodoo music study makes Vatican Library

Voodoo music study makes Vatican Library

Cath News

The
Vatican Library has added to its collections a South Carolina State
University professor's study on the inculturation of voodoo in a
Catholic Mass.

Associate Professor Dr Robert Grenier was recently informed that his
article, "Werner Jaegerhuber's Messe sur les airs Vodouesques: The
Inculturation of Vodou (Voodoo) in a Catholic Mass," will be included
in the historical collection of the Vatican Library, the Times and
Democrat reports.
In 2008, Grenier's article was published in the Black Music Research Journal.
Grenier
later submitted copies to the Vatican Library and was informed later
that his article would be included in the library's collection.
"You can imagine my surprise upon receiving the letter postmarked Vatican City," Grenier said.
"The
letter informed me of the reception of my article. It was signed by
Cardinal Raffaele Farina, chief archivist and librarian at the Vatican
Library."
Grenier's
article, which took a number of years to complete due to his extensive
research and the necessity of reconstructing the musical score of the
Mass from the surviving manuscripts, describes how Werner Jaegerhuber,
a Haitian-born composer of German extraction, selected elements of
Haitian vodou, or voodoo, and blended them with music inspired by
Gregorian chant to achieve an unprecedented coupling of two opposing
faith traditions.

This odd pairing was inspired by the fact that the Mass was
commissioned to celebrate the sesquicentennial of the founding of
Haiti, the first black republic, in 1804, the Times and Democrat says.
SOURCE
Professor's article part of the Vatican Library's collection (Times and Democrat)

Werner Jaegerhuber's Messe sur les airs vodouesques: the inculturation of Vodou in a Catholic mass.

Werner
Jaegerhuber's Messe sur les airs vodouesques is an exceptional creation
due to the unprecedented integration of Haitian Vodou melodies in a
Catholic mass. (1) The composition of the Messe was begun in 1947 and
completed in 1953. Its relatively long period of gestation suggests
that the composer undertook the task on his own initiative. Progress on
this work became known to Jaegerhuber's close friend and artistic
collaborator, Louis Maximilien, (2) who was an influential member of a
committee responsible for organizing the festivities for the 150th
anniversary of Haiti's independence, held on January 1, 1954.
Maximilien, in the name of the committee, commissioned Jaegerhuber to
complete the mass for the ceremonies accompanying the inauguration of
the new cathedral in Les Gonaives, the city where independence was
proclaimed in 1804. The committee responsible for the festivities,
aided by its members who were representatives of the bishopric of
Port-au-Prince and the Order of Spiritan Fathers, approached the bishop
of Les Gonaives, Monseigneur Robert, (3) who, without full knowledge as
to the nature of this composition, reluctantly accepted the concept of
an artistic mass put before him. Jaegerhuber committed his skill to
produce this Mass on Vodou Melodies, considering it an entirely
appropriate work for this commemoration.

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

However, among Haiti's Catholic clergy as well as some of the laity of
the time there was little tolerance for the integration of elements of
Haitian Vodou into the Roman liturgy. Evidence of this discomfort rests
in the two different names the Messe was given. Initially, the
composer's title directed our attention to the Vodou origin of many of
the themes: Messe sur les airs vodouesques. Its secondary title, Messe
folklorique haitienne, suggested to Jaegerhuber by Louis Maximilien,
attempted to draw attention to a more diffuse perspective by
characterizing the origin of many of its melodies as generally
folkloric and thus potentially less offensive to some. (4) The eventual
refusal of Mgr. Robert to allow the Messe to be sung in his cathedral
when Jaegerhuber's intentions became evident to him attests to what was
considered the improbable merging of Christian and Vodou elements in a
Catholic liturgical work of art. Jaegerhuber's Messe suggested that a
rational bridge could be constructed and traversed from Catholicism to
Vodou. As one of Haiti's Catholic hierarchy most vigorously prosecuting
the antisuperstition campaigns, the prelate could not sanction the
performance of such a work in his cathedral. He, like many in Haiti at
this time, regarded the practice of Vodou as a regrettable element
retarding the advancement of Haitian society. In his own words it was
"a bit of God and a bit of the devil" (Robert 1962, 1206).

The purpose of this article is twofold. In order to illustrate the
originality of Jaegerhuber's achievement it is necessary to describe
the asymmetric relationship between the two principal faith traditions
in the Republic of Haiti. The contentious reception of the Messe
registered among his contemporaries attests to the unresolved nature of
this relationship. The second goal of the article rests in an
understanding of what Jaegerhuber achieved in the Messe itself or in
other words, how he, through a work of art, could propose a resolution
to this enduring asymmetry. The first obstacle to this goal is that the
composer left no written account as to his intentions regarding this
work, whether social, artistic, or otherwise. As a result, the score
becomes the principal venue to develop our understanding. However, here
there is an additional obstacle, since no authorized published edition
is available nor even a manuscript that, with assurance, may be
ascribed to the hand of the composer. What has been preserved in the
archives of the Societe de recherche et de diffusion de la musique
haitienne in Montreal are two different scores. One score consists of
the choral solo parts prepared for the participants at its creation.
The second is a twenty-three page full score presenting both the organ
and choral/solo parts. Since these two sources differ in several
respects, most notably in the formal structure of the Agnus Dei, it has
been necessary for the purpose of this article to produce an edition
that, while acknowledging these differences, attempts to profitably
combine elements from both and reasonably resolve the differences
between contending versions.

Based on this edition one may begin to identify elements consistent
with what the original title contends: a mass on Vodou melodies.
However, a brief examination of the Messe reveals that Vodou melodies
only form a small but important portion of the material on which
Jaegerhuber relied to compose this work. It is clear that the composer
contributed his own original melodies as well as importing elements
from the Gregorian tradition. Both of Jaegerhuber's sources in Vodou
and the Gregorian tradition were mined not only for a specific melody
but also, more generally, by referencing a characteristic texture,
rhythm, and conventional practice. At no point is there a fusion of the
Gregorian and Vodou traditions if by this it is meant that the composer
contrapuntally superimposes the musical elements of each or otherwise
commingles them into a single auditory experience. Rather, he lets one
tradition predominate while using the other, if at all, to effect a
contrast in a manner that contributes to articulating the structure of
a movement. The identification of each of these elements frees us to
speculate as to Jaegerhuber's artistic choices as these relate to the
Latin mass. Indeed, it is at this juncture where, for example, a Vodou
melody is now adapted to bear the words of the Roman liturgy, that the
issue of inculturation of one tradition by another is raised. (5) It is
also here, in this newly minted contrafactum, that the asymmetry
between these traditions is challenged. Thus, Jaegerhuber's selection
and arrangement of elements derived from Haitian Vodou and inculturated
within the Roman liturgy becomes the subject of a rational appreciation
of this enterprise.

Evidence of the inculturation of Vodou elements in the Messe implies a
theological dimension in our discussion where, at some level,
Jaegerhuber intuits a link between an aspect of the Vodou religion and
a specific moment, textual or liturgical, in the Roman liturgy and its
Biblical sources. Once identified, the appropriateness of a link may be
assessed. While what Jaegerhuber actually intended may never be known
for certain, given the resources at hand and the speculative nature of
this endeavor, the succession of these events in the Messe may give
rise, nevertheless, to a musicotheological subtext that threads its way
through the course of the work and speaks to his imaginative adaptation
of both faith traditions.

As stated above, the Messe was greeted by many of Jaegerhuber's
contemporaries with such antipathy that he changed the name of his work
in order to disguise his original intentions. It was correctly
understood by all that the composer was attempting to link in a single
work of art elements of two faith traditions that for centuries shared
an uneasy coexistence. This unease can be traced to their historic
encounter where the religion "of those who serve the lwa" (6) had
inculturated aspects of Catholic ritual and iconography while
Catholicism entirely avoided a similar encroachment. The reason for
this asymmetric rapport is that Catholicism simply failed to fully
evangelize the great number of enslaved Africans in the colonial era.
Several factors contribute to an explanation of this situation.

The state of the Catholic Church in Saint-Domingue during the later
half of the eighteenth century presents us with an image of material
and spiritual poverty. In 1785 it was reported that half the churches
and rectories had to be rebuilt and an inventory of musical instruments
in the parishes of that period records that few had any organs. What
few there may have been were small positives as indicated by the period
documentation and advertisements announcing their sale and repair
(Camier 2004).

Complementing this material poverty in France's richest colony was the
questionable state of the spiritual resources to serve the colonists
and the slave population. According to one study, Catholicism was never
fully imposed on the slaves "partly because there were too few priests
for the population" (Mathieu 1991). In addition, the consensus among
historians asserts that most of the clergy in the colony at this time
"had been sent there as a punishment for some misdemeanor back home"
(Murray 1984). Thus, few in number and of a compromised spiritual
integrity, the clergy in the decades preceding the revolution had to
face the responsibility it shared with the slave masters to evangelize
the slaves according to the terms of the Code Noir of 1685. Yet these
few clergy had to contend not only with the thousands of slaves
residing in the colony's rugged terrain but with the arrival of fresh
waves of African manpower, which, in turn, posed an additional
linguistic barrier. The clergy's access to these captive people was
controlled primarily through their masters, for whom a fully
evangelized slave population could have proved troublesome. The fact is
that these slave masters were indifferent to their responsibilities.

It is important to note that the revolution in Haiti began in 1791 with
a Vodou ceremony in Bois Caiman and not with any precursor to a
Christian Liberation Theology. The success of the revolution saw the
departure of most of the colony's Catholic clergy together with the
surviving colonists, leaving Haiti's folk religion to flourish for a
few years in the absence of any countervailing force. However, such a
force did arrive, for it was Haiti's rulers who, in a manner similar to
the secular, postrevolutionary government of France, attempted to
restrict the actions of the bush-priests by subjecting the rites of
passage of baptism, marriage, and funerals to the control of civil
authorities. Sociologist Gerald F. Murray notes that, following the
establishment of the Republic "it was the State, much more than any
Church, whose decisions gave shape and impetus to the continuing
survival of these western religious forms" (Murray 1984). He defends
his contention by pointing to the edict of 1816 pronounced by the
Minster of Justice under President Alexandre Petion that placed these
three rites under state control. It forbade priests "to carry out
religious ceremonies for baptism, marriages or funerals unless they
have first received evidence that the documents required by law have
been taken out at the (local) bureau de l'Etat civil" (cited in Murray
1984). In 1820, President Boyer, successor to Petion, reiterated the
same proscription adding that "any act of their ministry in defiance of
the dictates of this article will be subject to punishment, inasmuch as
it would serve to compromise the interests of the families concerned"
(cited in Murray 1984). When Haiti signed the concordat with the
Vatican in 1860, Article 5 of this document enjoined the clergy to
submit to the authority of the state those privileges it intended to
retain under its purview. Upon assuming their offices in the Republic
each new archbishop or bishop had to take the following oath:

I swear and promise to God upon the holy Gospels, to obey and be
faithful to the Government established by the Constitutions of Haiti,
and do nothing that would directly or indirectly go against the rights
and interests of the Republic. (Cabon, cited in Mathieu 1991)

The clergy of the Catholic Church who returned to Haiti following the
concordat faced an entirely different set of circumstances than those
of their colonial forerunners. First, they came on the invitation of an
independent state and, in partnership with it, endeavored not only to
evangelize but to civilize its citizens. In pursuit of these goals,
from 1896 to 1899 and again in the early 1940s, the Church and state
cooperated to suppress Haiti's folk religion through antisuperstition
campaigns. For its part, the Church saw no need to adapt its liturgical
expression to accommodate the local culture for the state had legally
constrained both its citizens and the Church to interact in a decidedly
asymmetric manner.

Second, the clergy that came to serve the citizens of the Republic were
of a very different quality than their colonial precursors. (7) More
numerous, devoted, and purposeful, they were the product of a French
Church that had survived the tumult of the French Revolution, overcame
the massacres of its priests and members of religious orders, saw the
material dispossession and destruction of its institutions, and endured
the aggressive de-Christianization of a militantly secular state. The
prerevolutionary Gallican ideology of the French Church was replaced by
a fervent Ultramontainism following the fall of the monarchy. For the
clergy of nineteenth-century France, Papal authority and the supremacy
of the Tridentine rite replaced the deference to a purely Gallo-centric
church that preserved a variety of individuated, local liturgical
traditions. The Ultramontains idealized the Middle Ages and, it must be
granted, their imaginative excursion contributed the impetus to Dom
Gueranger and his monks at Solemnes, who labored to restore to the
Church its heritage of Gregorian Chant, a unified liturgy, and a
preference for a simple devotional music. ( Cool

The clergy, conditioned by its own historical experience and acting
under the legal constraints and shared purpose as defined by the
concordat, saw its relation to Haiti and its citizens begin to change
under the pressure exerted by the invasion and occupation of the
Republic by the armed forces of the United States (1915-1933). They
found themselves cut off from their metropolitan center in France at
the outset of the occupation and confronting on the soil of Haiti an
unforeseen competitor in the form of American Protestantism. In an
attempt to solicit the favor of the Haitian elite, the clergy sought to
confront this foreign influence by arousing a patriotism founded on a
shared French heritage. For their part, the new American
administrators, while attempting to placate the Church by offering
generous economic assistance, introduced another feature that
definitively alienated the French clergy. The occupiers quickly
succumbed to the attractions of the exotic and undertook a
sensationalist anthropology focused on the cult of Vodou, emphasizing
its diabolical and fantastic aspects. From this inquiry came the
sensational work by the otherwise well-informed William Seabrook, The
Magic Island (1928), (9) followed a few years later by Melville
Herskovits' realistic study, Life in a Haitian Valley (1937). Such
publications strongly suggested to Haitians the need to cast a light on
their repressed fantasies, and many revealed their interest in the
esoteric and witchcraft.

With peace restored in 1918 and a certain prosperity invigorated by the
presence of the rich occupiers, the desire to possess an objective
knowledge of Vodou asserted itself. The emergence of a truly
ethnographic research undertaken to demonstrate the African origins of
Haiti's culture laid the foundations for the first exponents of the
Indigenisme movement to appear on the cultural scene. Among the
distinguished studies published at this time was that of Jean
Price-Mars, Ainsi parla l'Oncle (1928), which exerted a strong
influence. With its publication, Vodou became for many the primary
cultural element of Haitian national identity. This movement
experienced an extraordinary acceleration in the 1940s and 1950s
supported by publications, radio broadcasts, public presentations,
folkloric troupes, and ethnographic research (Oriol, Viaud, and Aubourg
1952). This change in political consciousness by many of Haiti's
intellectuals inaugurated a new era in the Republic.

Thus, both the Church and the state began to draw apart as members of
Haiti's elite articulated a postcolonial mentality, liberated from what
was perceived as possessing an excessively Gallo-centric focus. The
climax of this reorientation of cultural priorities with the Catholic
Church occurred with the ascendancy of the Duvalier regime in 1957.
About a third of Haiti's Catholic clergy were expelled; some of its
institutions such as the seminary were closed for a period as the civil
authorities sought to replace foreignborn clergy with native Haitians.
Mgr. Robert was himself expelled in November 1962 following the sacking
and destruction of his official residence by the Tonton Macoute agents
of the Duvalier regime.

The commission for the Messe sur les airs vodouesques came at a moment
of Haitian history when the nation was emerging in the postwar years
more prosperous and independent, facing a significant milestone in its
life with its sesquicentennial celebrations. Armed with a new awareness
of its distinctive cultural attributes, some of the elite sought to
reassert their presence in the world by rooting it in the soil of
Haiti. Jaegerhuber embraced this direction. (10)

Born in Port-au-Prince in 1900 of a Creole mother, Maria Tippenhauer,
and a German-American father, Anton Jaegerhuber, the young Werner was
sent at the age of fifteen to Hamburg, Germany, to study at the Voigt
Academy of Music. His departure coincided with the invasion of Haiti by
U.S. armed forces. In 1937, three years following their departure and
with war imminent in Europe, Jaegerhuber returned to Haiti an
accomplished, professional musician eager to harness his musical
training to the emerging new cultural direction of Haitian society
(Largey 2006).

In Germany, where he had lived from 1915 to 1937, the young Jaegerhuber
received his conservatory diploma for organ and composition and began
his career as a professor of counterpoint. A chamber suite titled
Schango and a Sinfonietta Legba, composed in Germany in 1934, are his
first works of a nationalist cast. From 1937, he filled his sketch
books with Haiti's folk melodies, which were accumulated and published
in 1945 as Chansons folkloriques haitiennes recueillies et harmonisees
pour voix et piano. (11) Beginning in 1939 with the Suite folklorique
pour quatuor a cordes, the dominant influence in the works of the
composer may be attributed to its source in Vodou. (12) The Messe sur
les airs vodouesques certainly constitutes a poignant conclusion.

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

In proclaiming himself a disciple of Bach, Mozart, Brahms, and Mahler
more than Wagner, Jaegerhuber stressed his aspiration to express
through his music a spirituality that was meditative in nature, in
contrast to the Wagnerian aesthetic based on the exacerbated expression
of a conflict between gods and men, sensuality and morality. (13) This
avowed spiritual lineage manifests itself in the neoclassical writing
of Jaegerhuber: pure instrumental sonorities and the sobriety of the
orchestration, closer in its strength to the preclassical ensemble of
Haydn than that of the Wagnerian orchestra. Even his chamber music is
bathed in a harmonic conservatism closer to a modal language than that
of a tonal perspective, far removed from the audacious chromaticism and
the atonality cultivated by Western composers of his generation. It is
simply the case that the introspective temperament of Jaegerhuber did
not lead him in the direction of excessive expressivity. One must also
take into account, among the motivations for his aesthetic choices, the
modest instrumental resources at hand and the absence of instrumental
virtuosi to create an orchestra. While clearly not temperamentally
allied with Wagner, he shares with this composer a tendency to
construct his music on leitmotifs derived from his analysis of the
melodies sung in honor of Haiti's lwa, thereby supplanting Teutonic
deities with an inspiring mythology of Vodou.

Maximilien and Jaegerhuber had both hoped for a performance of their
opera Naissa during the 1949 bicentennial celebrations for the founding
of Port-au-Prince. Given the insufficient artistic forces to adequately
cast all the roles or to constitute an orchestra, this project was left
incomplete. (14) It was replaced by the performance of the National
Folkloric Troupe, directed by Lina Mathon, whose repertoire consisted
of arrangements of Vodou melodies collected by Jaegerhuber. The
composer and his influential collaborator Louis Maximilien then rescued
for the celebrations of 1954 the following two works: the secular
cantata Trois scenes historiques and the Messe. The first would be
performed in Port-au-Prince with the Pro-Musica orchestra (Durand
1977). Following its rejection by Mgr. Robert, the first performance of
the Messe took place in the secular surroundings of the Casernes
Dessalines under the direction of Jaegerhuber's assistant, Maria
etheart, on January 1, 1954. Regrettably, six months prior to the
premiere of the Messe, Jaegerhuber succumbed to his second aneurism and
died on May 20, 1953, as evening fell.

If we consider the circumstances Jaegerhuber faced at the time of
composing his Messe, we find no precedent for his work. Regarding the
religious music composed in Haiti itself Camier (2004, 130) notes that
"there isn't a single trace of musical production with regards to
religious practice. The rarity of documentation is not limited to
Saint-Domingue. In the French colonies in the Americas during the
eighteenth century, the only document we have at our disposal is the
Messe en cantique a l'usage des negres (A songmass for negros) inserted
in the Maison rustique de Cayenne (1763). This mass is composed on
secular models such as one finds at this time in France."

Jaegerhuber was probably unaware of this Messe en cantique a l'usage
des negres. This obscure work, intended to help the slave population to
participate in the mass, was composed in a style common in France at
that time in which popular tunes were adapted to the liturgical text
thereby transferring to these a certain casual and topical freshness
unlike Jaegerhuber's more esoteric creation. (15)

Looking beyond these immediate examples, the exceptional nature of
Jaegerhuber's mass could potentially have been defended by recalling
the precedents exemplified by some masterpieces from the repertoire of
FrancoFlemish, Italian, and Spanish sacred music of the Renaissance.
The Christian composers of that time redeemed popular music from its
profane origin by elevating it to render glory to God. The most obvious
example is that series of masses based on the secular theme "l'Homme
arme" composed by the renowned artists of their time, many of whom were
priests, such as Dufay, Desprez, Morales, Ockeghem, Obretch, and
Palestrina. (16) In their mass cycles this popular melody, associated
with the most colorful of situations, was employed as the unifying
motive. The profane text was replaced by the liturgical text of the
mass. It was the same for Christmas masses composed in France by
Marc-Antoine Charpentier (seventeenth century) and by Michel Corrette
(eighteenth century) on vernacular melodies. Of Jaegerhuber's
distinguished Renaissance tradition, Maximilien states, "Jaegerhuber
... not encumbered by (religious) beliefs ... is simply moved by an
elemental, powerful and untouched material. He desired its survival and
enhanced it by investing it with a classical dignity" (Maximilien 1945,
21).

Despite the parallel one might see with this distinguished tradition,
Jaegerhuber's Messe achieves something entirely different, but closer
to the French Christmas masses. Unlike the Messe, which incorporates
many different melodies, the parody mass of the Renaissance relied on a
single melody. Furthermore, this single melody became the subject of
elaborate contrapuntal display. Jaegerhuber is conspicuous, however,
for his preference for homophonic textures; his chosen melodies are
intended to be recognized and not submerged in a stream of polyphony.
Apart from the devotional aid these Renaissance settings of the mass
may have been for their time, they were recognized then, as now, as
consummate demonstrations of craftsmanship. In contrast to this, the
analysis below will show that Jaegerhuber's focus was not to fashion a
technical display piece but to create a theology in music through his
deliberate assembling of his selected musical resources relative to the
liturgical texts he sets: there is nothing casual in this encounter
between word and music. Finally, unlike the artists of the Renaissance,
Jaegerhuber stood outside the communities of faith for whom he presumed
to speak, preferring the role of a technician of these sacred emblems.

While the Messe is without precedent, it is not without roots. The most
immediate among these is a Missa Brevis by Jaegerhuber. What has been
preserved of this work lacks a title page and, thus, a potential source
for a title, date, and possible mention of an occasion for its
performance. Its four movements (Kyrie, Sanctus, Benedictus, and Agnus
Dei) are scored for SATB chorus and five-part string orchestra. It
contains no reference to either the Gregorian or Vodou traditions and
appears, therefore, to be an entirely original work. What is striking
about this brief work, however, is its stark simplicity and emotional
restraint. The presence of a string orchestra suggests that it--along
with Jaegerhuber's other surviving religious work, the OsterKantat for
soloists, chorus, and string orchestra--date from his time in Germany
where the necessary resources for their performance were available. The
modest requirements for the Trois scenes historiques and the case of
the aborted opera, Naissa, points to the difficulty in Haiti of
assembling the resources for a major work.

These four antecedents to the Messe sur les airs vodouesques each
displays attributes that merge into Jaegerhuber's last major work.
Clearly, the Missa Brevis speaks to the composer's familiarity with the
form, and the OsterKantat confirms his amenability to compose
liturgical works. Whereas neither of these bears a trace of the Vodou
tradition, Vodou is clearly evident in both the opera and secular
cantata. Furthermore, both of these works integrated aspects of Haiti's
Christian heritage at their conclusion. The Messe rests on the
foundations of these precedents but is distinguished from them in one
important respect. While the opera and secular cantata conclude with
prayerful invocations that merge elements of both Vodou and
Christianity, the Messe, which is a prayer, begins where these secular
pieces conclude and sustains the rapport throughout.

The Messe is the best example of Jaegerhuber's search for
reconciliation between opposites that generally characterizes his
aesthetic practice. He sought to invest the substance of popular
culture into erudite forms in order to render it compatible with the
canons of classical art. The composer aspired to elevate the music of
Haiti with a similar universality entirely in conformity with the
Catholic ideal of the adaptation and rehabilitation of the profane from
various cultures. Ina text of an exceptional intensity, and only eight
months following the performance of the Messe and the death of
Jaegerhuber, Louis Maximilien composed a manifesto of their vision:
(17)

From folklore has come our present-day art. One rests on the other, and
is rooted in each other, for the two carry the existential solutions
and the eschatological tendencies that, in spite of a worldly
intellectualism and its attendant refinements, have hardly been
moved.... The properties of classicism are not outlined in the manner
of a sketch ... all aspirations toward the classic, if not resting upon
a popular foundation, are a leap into the absurd. If it was possible
for it to be such, an empty form, it would collapse upon itself. A
total eradication could only be followed by a total extinction. The
human imagination is not sufficiently fecund to the point as to be able
to detach itself from the influence of past centuries without, as a
consequence, misconstruing the means of understanding myths or a least
the desire to lose oneself in all that is not oneself. (Maximilien
1953b, 1-3)

His vision aspired moreover to transcend that which the Vodou sources
could retain of their association with a primitive rite colored by
witchcraft. The Messe sur les airs vodouesques vividly expresses this
theory. The presence of Vodou melodies in the Catholic liturgy, and the
presence of a popular tradition that sustains it, leads to the
purification of one through the other. Maximilien makes reference to
Hegel's theory of the absolute concrete to explain the process through
which the definition of "classic beauty" rests on the "free and
independent significance" of art (1945, 14-15). By means of this
principle art neither signifies nor points to anything outside of
itself. It carries "a significance in itself, a significance that
signifies itself and carries within itself its own interpretation. This
significance is none other than the spiritual which in a general way is
its proper object" (Maximilien 1945, 14-15).

If this statement did indeed express their aesthetic presumptions,
there would be little to distinguish it from the assumptions that
generated the issuing of identity cards to the faithful to effect a
security zone that Mgr. Robert imposed around the altar of his
cathedral to detect those of an ambivalent religiosity. Both positions
define different agendas. Hegel's aestheric philosophy, thus deployed,
preserves Jaegerhuber's composition as a spiritual work of art.
However, it does not necessarily preserve it as a religious work of
art. Thus, two distinct views are apparent: Mgr. Robert's rejection of
the Messe for theological reasons is met by Maximilien's defense of
Jaegerhuber's Messe from being regarded as a religious artwork for
philosophical reasons.

A more promising approach to understanding the Messe would be to regard
it in light of the principle of semini verbi, the "seed of the word"
(in Greek, logos spermaticos). This principle posits the optimistic
notion, from the perspective of Catholicism, that all cultures share
with Catholicism certain commonalities, or what are identified as
"seeds" of the faith. These latent "seeds" need to be identified and
nurtured by showing their link with Catholic doctrine. Originally
derived from the writings of second-century North African theologian
Clement of Alexandria, this earliest exponent of a Christian Humanism
attempted to demonstrate the correspondence he saw between the
teachings of Christianity and the philosophical and literary traditions
of the Hellenic world of his time. Application of this principle
outside the Mediterranean world include the establishment of the
Chinese Rite (1603-1672) formulated by Matteo Ricci where aspects of
Confucian culture were integrated in the liturgy. Closer to the Haitian
experience is the encounter of Iberian Europeans with the Amerindian
populations in the Caribbean and Central and South America. Here,
however, the commitment of these Europeans to remain and colonize these
lands produced an entirely different inculturation between Catholicism
and the native religions than what we find in Haiti. (18) As the
previous discussion has described, Catholicism in the colonial and
postcolonial history of Haiti saw no need for the application of this
principle.

At present, the Catholic Church acknowledges twenty different rites
dating from antiquity to the present. (19) While there has been no
discussion of establishing a Haitian rite, a sensitivity to local
cultural expressions and indigenous religious practice has received a
strong impetus of late. Only fifteen years following the first
performance of Jaegerhuber's Messe, the publication of Gaudium et Spes
(1965) summarized the pastoral constitution of the Second Vatican
Council (1962-1965). Article 58 of this document encouraged the
judicious adaptation of indigenous cultural practices of non-Western
peoples within the local expressions of the liturgy. This aggiornimento
or "opening out to the world" initiated by Pope John XXXIII succeeded
in shaking the primacy of the Tridentine Rite in the Latin Church, for
Gaudium et Spes acknowledged the plurality of cultures: "The Church,
sent to all peoples of every time and place, is not bound exclusively
and indissolubly to any race or nation, any particular way of life or
any customary way of life recent or ancient. Faithful to her own
tradition and at the same time conscious of her universal mission, she
can enter into communion with the various civilizations, to their
enrichment and the enrichment of the Church herself" (1965).

The Messe is Jaegerhuber's most important work due to the fact that, of
his extant compositions, it is among his most ambitious and complete.
It is scored for solo soprano, four-part mixed chorus, a girls
chorus--choeur des jeunes filles (elsewhere called choeur
d'enfants)--and organ accompaniment. In outline, this six movement
cycle conforms to the tradition of a concert mass, which, in this
instance, does not presume a monumental stature. Jaegerhuber has
retained the typical division between the Sanctus and Benedictus that
many composers, such as Schubert and Mozart, have used. The essentially
conservative nature of Jaegerhuber's approach to this commission is
supported by a harmonic language that presents no stylistic challenge
to distract the attention of the general public for whom this work was
intended originally as a devotional aid. There presides at all times in
its architecture an economy of means and an ascetic bareness. Yet this
austerity is at times infused with a hint of colored rays of light such
as stream from stained-glass windows into the somber vaults of a
cathedral.

In beginning our discussion of the musical sources of Jaegerhuber's
Messe it is important to note first that he was keenly aware of the
similarities between the modal scales of Vodou and those of Gregorian
chant. Thus, it is at this abstract musical level, far removed from the
more evolved considerations of differing religious traditions, that the
composer appears to perceive an approach to uniting these in a single
work. Jaegerhuber employed a technique of centonization common to both
religious traditions for the construction of his melodies. The method
relies on the extension of melodies by a patchwork assemblage of
preexistent motives as seen, for example, in the extension of the
Gregorian melody (Ex. 1) to fashion the theme of the first movement of
the Messe below (Ex. 2). Jaegerhuber clearly understands this when he
states that "all the originality of Vodou chants are understood as a
melody reliant on a puzzle structure" (Dauphin 1986, 73). In 1944,
Jaegerhuber established a parallel between the music of Vodou and the
archetypes of centonization found in pre-Gregorian, Byzantine,
Arabo-Persian, and Turkish traditions. As he states:

In all primitive music one encounters the same melodic forms expressing
themselves in tones and accentuated phrases that return like leitmotivs
[sic].... It is without doubt facile to speak of these phenomena as
occurring by chance or accident. Is it not better to regard this as a
conscious stylistic formation.... In the high cultures of the Orient,
in the musical worlds of the Byzantines, Arabs, Persians, and Turks, as
well as the music of Java, this principle developed into a real
compositional technique. One of these fixed melodic forms, the Maqam,
(Arab) ... appeared to be a structure the tonal contents of which could
vary but for the understandable exception of fixed phrases and accents.
(Jaegerhuber and Maximilien 1944, 23-24; Dauphin 1986)

While this conceptual framework regarding the music of some non-Western
music affords Jaegerhuber the point of the departure for composing his
suite of sacred compositions, our discussion of the Messe is undertaken
at a more evolved level of specific melodies, texts, and traditions. As
a whole, the preponderance of Vodou melodies is to be found in the last
three movements. Gregorian-inspired melodies and Jaegerhuber's thematic
material generally dominate the first portion of the Messe. These first
three compositions are notable, too, for their formal clarity, a
characteristic less evident in the concluding three movements.

Kyrie

In the first movement Jaegerhuber articulates this ternary form (Table
1) through contrasting sections that alternately present emblems of the
Gregorian and Vodou traditions. This he does without diminishing the
force of each nor attempting to smooth their contours where they are
joined. Nevertheless, it is the Gregorian element that predominates due
to its use in both A sections while the Vodou element has a shorter
duration. The Gregorian reference is further grounded in that the theme
found in the A section (Ex. 2) bears a resemblance to the Kyrie
movement of the Gregorian mass Cunctipotens Genitor Deus (Ex. 1). The
choice of this theme adapted from the Gregorian source could have a
direct bearing on the nature of the Messe itself intended to celebrate
the sesquicentennial of independence (Ex. 2). Cunctipotens Genitor Deus
translates as "all-powerful mother of God." Since the fifth century,
the feast day celebrating the Solemnity of the Mother of God
(interpreted as the Feast of the Circumcision of Christ) falls on
January 1, the same date as Haiti's independence day. In this manner
the secular celebration of Haiti's independence is linked with the
Roman calendar of feasts.

The Vodou element that Jaegerhuber invokes in the B section (mm. 12-34)
is an abrupt contrast for he changes the meter to 5/8 and introduces an
ostinato drumming pattern here (Ex. 3). While there is no citation of a
specific Vodou melody these two elements of the B section recall
accompaniment patterns that Jaegerhuber used repeatedly in his art song
settings of Vodou melodies as in the Complaintes haitiennes and
Offrandes vaudouesques (Grenier 2001, Largey 2006).

In this joining of a Gregorian-inspired melody with a conventionalized
fragment of Vodou drumming, Jaegerhuber expresses confidence in the
possibility for a dialogue between Haiti's two principal faith systems,
for he achieves here a balanced, symmetrical structure based on this
contrasting material. He further links them by relying on the fact that
both religions offer prayers in the form of supplicatory petitions as
here in this Christian text.

Gloria

The Gloria movement contains no citation of a Vodou melody, nor any
reference to the Gregorian tradition. What we find in this second
movement is the free invention of the composer, probably inspired by
the traditional music of Vodou. Although Jaegerhuber's melodic
invention is original to him, it imitates Vodou melodies owing to, in
this case, their pentatonic nature (Jaegerhuber 1937-1945). A further
link to the Vodou tradition could be asserted in that we encounter an
ostinato accompaniment pattern (Ex. 5), which recalls the B section of
the Kyrie. However, what diminishes the importance of these
observations is that, given another context, they would not necessarily
have been identified as arising from that tradition; the presence of
pentatonic melodies and ostinato rhythms is not unique to the
traditional music of Vodou. The movement's formal organization here, as
in the previous movement, bears witness to Jaegerhuber's neoclassical
aesthetic owing to the articulation of the tripartite structure of the
composition through a series of clearly audible gestures based on
contrasting tempi, meter, and harmonic rhythm. Nevertheless, of all the
movements in this cycle the Gloria seems the furthest removed from what
the original title of the Messe would promise.

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Credo

The Credo could be described as a unison song for chorus interrupted at
two points by the soprano soloist. The musical material for this
movement comes from three sources: the imitation of plainchant (the
choral writing), a quotation from the previous Gloria (mm. 31-41), and
the first attributable Vodou melody (mm. 81-94), "C'est jodi moin" (Ex.
6 and 7). (20)

The Credo movement merges the three sources of inspiration for the
Messe in that the Gregorian-inspired choral portions frame musical
citations sung by the soloist that are original to both Jaegerhuber and
the Vodou tradition. The full score includes the traditional Gregorian
incipit, "Credo in unum Deum," sung by the priest, to which the chorus
responds in unison (Ex. Cool

. While the choral writing is mostly
monophonic, Jaegerhuber expands to a four-part homophonic texture
beginning at measure 70 through measure 95 and following.

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The first solo section reintroduces a portion of the Gloria's thematic
material into the Credo based on a link between the texts of both
movements. The Gloria begins with the cry of the angels announcing the
birth of the Savior: "Gloria in excelsis Deo et in terra pax hominibus
voluntatis." The text of the Credo, where Jaegerhuber quotes his
Gloria, also recalls the birth of Christ: "Et incarnatus est de Spiritu
Sancto ex Maria Virgine et homo factus est." The link Jaegerhuber
creates is both transparent and musically effective.

In the second solo section of the Credo, Jaegerhuber's choice of the
Vodou melody, "C'est jodi moin," links the texts of both Christian and
Vodou sources. In this, the first contrafactum based on a Vodou melody,
Jaegerhuber draws our attention to the apophatic nature of each text:
both address the impenetrable nature of the divine mystery of their
respective traditions. He states in his 1941 analysis of this melody,
dedicated to the lwa of the sea, Agoue Taroyo: "The quality of the god
is well symbolized--he is severe, grave, like in his other songs. Man
is too insignificant; he can not approach him despite the fact that he
is on the ocean, the home--maison--of the god ... the god is too vast:
m'pas ca rive--(I can't arrive)" (Jaegerhuber 1937-1945). The attribute
of this lwa, particularly the notion of his incommensurability with
humans, is in accord with the theology of the Holy Trinity in the
Catholic tradition, the subject of the dogmatic text that is sung here
(Ex. 6). Like the lone Haitian adrift on the sea, the theological
mystery of the Trinity cannot be fathomed to its depths. As in the
first movement, Jaegerhuber juxtaposes his musical citations by relying
on the solo voice to introduce them, thereby creating a dialogue
between the Vodou-related material for solo voice and the
Gregorian-inspired choral music. However, rather than letting this
insertion of a Vodou melody appear anomalous, the textual link between
these two sources points to the connection Jaegerhuber finds between
these two traditions.

The Credo marks the midway point in the Messe. The first and third
movements, which feature elements drawn from the Gregorian tradition,
frame the second movement, whose melodic invention owes nothing to it.
The limited presence of elements emblematic of the musical tradition of
Vodou in the first portion of the Messe hardly justifies the original
title the composer ascribed to his suite of compositions. The three
remaining movements reverse this perspective, however, for now the
reliance on Vodou melodies becomes predominant while the Gregorian
tradition disappears entirely from view.

Sanctus

The Sanctus is a composition of thirty-five measures in binary form
(Table 4) based on the Vodou melody "Dambala oh." (21)

In this first of the remaining three movements of the Messe that
promote the musical heritage of Vodou, Jaegerhuber states the melody
(Ex. 9) in measures 1-10 of the Sanctus (Ex. 10) and from measures
11-15 we have a repetition of its first four measures. The second
portion of the movement (mm. 20-35) is the free invention of the
composer. Certain modifications to the Vodou melody were undertaken, as
in the transposition of the original ethnographic source material up a
whole step as well as frequent rhythmic alterations to accommodate the
Latin text.

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The appropriate nature of Jaegerhuber's selection may be attributed to
a similarity between the text of the austere Vodou melody, "Dambala
oh," and that of the Sanctus: both express a profound awe in the
encounter with the Divine presence. The origin of the Latin text in the
vision of Isaiah 6:3 (recalled again in Revelation 4: Cool

parallels the
reverential text of the Vodou melody: "Dambala oh! Dambala oh! holy
name, Dambala, Dambala ouedo, Dambala oh! holy name." As in the Latin
text that begins, "Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabbaoth,"
the invocation of this most venerable lwa in the Vodou pantheon seems
to stun the reciter; both texts rely on repetition to make their point.
Concerning this melody Jaegerhuber states, "He is a god with a large
and grave demeanor, almost omnipotent.... The entire song is an
invocation" (Jaegerhuber 1937-1945).

Benedictus

Unlike the previous movements, where there is a certain economy of
musical invention in proportion to the text, here Jaegerhuber repeats
his text in order to achieve this movement's seventy-one measures,
making it the third longest composition in the cycle (Table 5). Its
asymmetrical, through-composed structure is loosely based on the
beautiful Vodou melody "Vling sou vling" (Ex. 11). (22) Jaegerhuber
limits the musical forces to a solo soprano and girls" chorus--choeur
des jeunes filies.

The selected Vodou melody is especially long at twenty-four measures;
however, Jaegerhuber employs only the first two untransposed phrases
that are cast in 5/8 and discards from consideration the second portion
of the melody in 3/8. He retains the repetition of the first phrase but
employs the second phrase only as a point of departure for his own free
invention. As in the previous examples, Jaegerhuber's choice of Vodou
melody can be ascribed to the link between these two texts: both
recount the welcoming of the divine presence into the life of mortals.
The text of the Benedictus recalls a climatic scene of the Theodrama:
(23) the coming of the word of God to man as manifested in Christ's
entry into Jerusalem for the Passover celebrations. The first source of
the text for the Benedictus is Psalm 118:26, where it forms part of the
"Hymn of Thanksgiving." In Mark 11:10, as in Matthew 21:9, this same
text is incorporated into the cries of welcome, which Christ receives
on entering Jerusalem: "Blessed is He who comes in the name of the
Lord." In Jaegerhuber's description of "Vling sou vling," written some
years before the composition of the Messe, he writes, "One senses with
what respect the individual approaches the goddess (Erzulie); one
almost sees a bow--la reverence--in saying: "hello my
goddess,"--'Erzuli oh bonsoir moin diou'" (Jaegerhuber 1937-1945). (24)
This act of welcoming is done in an atmosphere of joy. As he says in
his analysis, "this song also indicates a state of contentment. All is
good and at ease like ducks on water" (Jaegerhuber 1937-1945).

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Agnus Dei

The Agnus Dei presents two Vodou melodies from differing liturgies to
help articulate its binary structure (Table 6). The melodies "Erzulie
e" (Ex. 13), and "Laza oh" (25) (Ex. 15), are variously adapted to fit
the Latin text (respectively, Ex. 14 and Ex. 16).

<table style="width: 600px;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" width="600"><tr><td rowspan="1" colspan="1" width="100%"><table id="content_LETTER.BLOCK1" width="100%"><tr><td height="1134"> <table style="width: 600px;" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" width="600"><tr><td rowspan="1" colspan="1" width="100%"><table id="content_LETTER.BLOCK1" background="http://heritagekonpa.com/DJ Page_files/backer.gif" width="100%"><tr><td height="1124">[center]<table bgcolor="#330099" border="0" height="1122" width="506"><tr><td height="1118" width="100%"><table align="center" border="1" bordercolor="#954a4a" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="0" height="1116" width="718"><tr><td height="1114" width="712"><table align="center" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0"><tr><td height="1106" width="712"><table background="http://heritagekonpa.com/DJ Page_files/backer.gif" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="6" height="975" width="712"><tr align="center" valign="top"><td height="963" width="700">The exceptional presence of two different Vodou melodies in this last movement of the Messe suggests that, as in the previous instances, a link exists not only with the text of the Roman liturgy based on John 1:29, 36 (compare to Revelation 5:6-13; 22:1-3), but now even between themselves. Indeed, the texts of both Vodou melodies are petitions for a release from misery. The text of the second melody, "Laza oh," concludes, however, with a call for peace. Their link with the Latin liturgy clearly rests in this shared tone of supplication ending with a call for peace. (26) Both texts invoke the lwa Erzulie, who can be a manifestation of material abundance as well as its opposite, deprivation. She is frequently invoked on behalf of children since she is also identified with fertility and reproduction. It is in this later capacity that she is being summoned in these texts by those supplicants who seek redress for the privation of their children. The second text adds that they have been luckless in their pursuits: "M'pas gangnin chanc' mes amis" (We have had no luck my friends). The misery in which these supplicants find themselves relative to their children's plight has its counterpart in the image of the Mater Dolorosa of Catholic iconography. The image of a weeping Mary, of a mother at the foot of her dying son on the cross at Calvary, captures the essence of misery, which is at the heart of the liturgical text that identifies Christ as the sacrificial lamb--Agnus. The practitioners of Vodou saw a correspondence between the Catholic iconography of the Virgin Mary as the Mater Dolorosa and Erzulie. Although biblical sources for the Agnus Dei possess no specific Marian connections, Jaegerhuber's selection of the first Vodou melody dedicated to this lwa, invites us to picture the Mother of God in this, the final movement of the Messe. In this one instance, Jaegerhuber is contributing an original perspective to the Catholic liturgy apart from his inculturation of Haitian elements. Both of these venerated entities are, in part, associated with children, abundance, and ultimately the misery of life from which they seek redress. The Vodou melody "Erzili eh" is employed only to set the first line of this liturgical text of the Ordinary. For the remaining two lines Jaegerhuber uses "Laza oh," which invokes an entirely different set of images. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] "Laza oh," the second Vodou melody in the Agnus Dei, "forms part of the assotor ceremony which belongs to the Rada" (Jaegerhuber 1937-1945). Assotor is the name given to the greatest drum that is fashioned in Haiti, usually standing the height of a grown man. The rites associated with it are among the longest of all the Vodou liturgies, lasting from fifteen to twenty-one days. The ceremonies are not for any particular deity, for the power of this great drum is capable of summoning all the lwa of all the Vodou cults of Haiti. Even those lwa that have absented themselves from the people for a long time, it is claimed, will reappear and take possession of someone during the ceremony. Jaegerhuber bases his assertion that this melody forms part of the assotor rites on the inclusion of the words "o bel oh," "tempest," and "storm" found in the text: "Laza oh qui cote nou ye Laza oh qui cote nou ye o bel oh qui tempete qui l'orage qui mise nou passe" (Jaegerhuber 1937-1945; emphasis added). Jaegerhuber claims that this melody is unique in its depiction of misery and storm: "The illustration of misery and of the storm is unique.... In every way Laza oh is a unique song" (Jaegerhuber 2937-1945). Once the lwa are summoned, their terrifying presence must be dissipated and peace restored. Christianity, however, is monotheistic, even though the Godhead is commonly described as a Trinity. Thus, no strict parallel can be made between these two liturgical practices based on their divine entities. However, a quite striking similarity is to be found between the intensity of the assotor rite--this accumulation and dispersal of spiritual power--and the high point of Christian soteriology: the sacrifice of Jesus, the Son of God, for the sins of man. The text of the Agnus Dei is found in three biblical sources. It is John the Baptist who, in John 1:29, first pronounces the Christ as the Lamb of God. John's Gospel then recounts a manifestation of the convergence of God, the Holy Spirit, and Christ in John 1:33-34. The Lamb of God, of which John the Baptist speaks here, is the paschal lamb of sacrifice as described in Exodus 12:21. This manifestation of the Paraclet in John 1:29 is considered the end of the time of promise for the people of Israel and the beginning of the time of fulfillment when Christ takes up his ministry. The mass recalls this pivotal moment for it is synchronous with the fracture: the division of the consecrated host--Christ's body and blood transubstantiated into bread and wine--that occurs during the Agnus Dei, and precedes its dispersal to the communicants. Thus, as in the assotor rites where a dynamic in the accumulation and dispersal of spiritual power is evident, the baptism of Christ marks a pivot about which the destiny of humanity swings, a convergence of power that will be accomplished upon the dissipation of Christ's life with his death on the cross leading to his resurrection. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] In Revelation 22:1-3 and especially 5:6-13, the image of the Lamb dilates to ever-expanding proportions to embrace the universe itself and thus evoke a parallel with the cosmic proportions of the assotor rites: Christ, the Lamb, is the center about which loud acclamations are shouted from ever comer of creation, the center of all created life as proclaimed by every point of the universe. Similarly, the assotor drum draws to itself all the lwa of all the cults both presently invoked and those forgotten and neglected deities of the past. It is the cosmic center of Haitian Vodou full of stormy distress. The series of contrafacta described above that link the original texts of these selected Vodou melodies with their new Latin settings are a significant demonstration of the principle of semini verbi. Apart from this, Jaegerhuber's selection and use of the musical forces required for the Messe also display certain parallels with the conventions of Vodou. The first of these is the presence of a solo soprano rather than a solo quartet, as in his secular cantata, Trois scenes historiques. He appears to identify this soloist with a Mambo. Jaegerhuber's analysis of the twenty-four Vodou melodies frequently makes reference to the fact that a particular melody was shared by a Houngan or a Mambo (27) with the community of believers. This call-and-response idiom, long identified with African religious practice and retained in its New World setting in Haiti, conforms to the conventions of the concert mass where texts can alternate between soloists and chorus in a concertato style. In the Messe we repeatedly see the how this Mambo-like solo voice can lead the chorus in a new direction (e.g., Kyrie), set the pace of a new piece (e.g., Gloria), and can stand apart from chorus, as in the Credo, to articulate a different perspective. Another feature of Jaegerhuber's scoring is the presence of a chorus of young girls--choeur des jeunes filles--in the Sanctus and choeur d'enfants (children's chorus) in the Agnus Dei. The composer seems to have insisted on the youth of these initiates in these final two movements of the Messe because the first initiation into Vodou (Couche hounsi, Leve hounsi) is equivalent to a similar rite of passage. The initiate moves from adolescence (Couche, or lying down) to adulthood (Leve, or awakened): from the state of laity to sanctity, innocence to consciousness. The inclusion of young voices in this choral mass is a specific link to the ceremonies of Vodou. Turning to the text of the Messe itself we note that at measure 36 of the Credo and again at measure 6 of the Agnus Dei, the full score preserves an additional word alien to the Latin text. The exclamation "oh" is sung by the soloist on each occasion as, for example, in the Credo: "ex Marie Virgine Oh." The significance of this addition is that it Creolizes the Latin, for this exclamation is found in the texts of Vodou melodies Jaegerhuber cites, such as in the very title of one of these, "Dambala oh." With this discreet addition to the Latin text another dimension of the Messe participates in the act of inculturation. Thus, both in his selection and disposition of his musical forces, and in the manner in which words and music are linked in the individual movements, Jaegerhuber strove to construct a rational bridge from Vodou to Catholicism. Having built such a structure, few were willing to cross it. At present, the Messe sur les airs vodouesques remains a potentially controversial work. For the devout Catholic its principal significance resides in the opportunity it provides to ponder the mystery of salvation through the transmuted emblems of the heritage of Haitian Vodou. The historian or art critic is drawn to this object for the taxonomic interest it provokes; the esthete delights in the sensuous and intellectual pleasure it affords; the social anthropologist will take it as evidence of the cultural development in that society; and those practitioners of New Age cults could be enchanted by what they would regard as a synthetic and egalitarian integration of pagan and Christian spirituality. REFERENCES Breda, Jeremie. 1963. Life in Haiti: Voodoo and the Church. The Commonweal 78, no. 9:241-244. Camier, Bernard. 2004. Musique coloniale et societe a Saint-Domingue dans la seconde moitie du XVIIIieme siecle. 2 vols. PhD diss., Universite des Antilles-Guyane. Dauphin, Claude. 1986. Musique du vaudou: fonctions, structure et style. Sherbrooke: Naaman. Durand, Robert. 1977. Activites de W. Jeagerhuber [sic] jusqu'a sa mort, depuis la fondation de Pro-Arte en 1939 suivie e l'Orchestre Pro-Musica en 1953. Societe de recherche et de diffusion de la musique haitienne, ML-DURR-Ac-07. University of Quebec, Montreal. Encyclical Letter. Slavorum Apostoli. John Paul II. June 2, 1985. Fallows, David. 2001. Uhomme arme. The new Grove dictionary of music and musicians, 2nd ed. Edited by Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell, 14:627-628. New York: Grove. Garcia-Rivera, Alejandro. 1995. St. Martin de Porres: The "little stories" and the semiotics of culture. Faith and Culture Series. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books. Gaudium et spes. Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modem World. Paul VI. December 7, 1965. Green, Ann. 1993. The Catholic Church in Haiti: Political and social change. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press. Grenier, Robert. 200l. La melodie vaudou--Voodoo art songs: The genesis of a nationalist music in the Republic of Haiti. Black Music Research Journal 21, no. 1:29-74. Herskovits, Melville J. 1937. Life in a Haitian valley. New York: Knopf. Inculturation and the Roman Liturgy. Fourth Instruction for the Right Application of the Conciliar Constitution on the Liturgy. Varietates legitimae. March 29, 1994. Jaegerhuber, Werner A. n.d. Offrandes vaudouesques: 24 songs with piano accompaniment. Societe de recherche et de diffusion de la musique haitienne, University of Quebec, Montreal. --.1937-1945. Ethnographic research: 24 voodoo melodies and texts with analysis. Societe de recherche et de diffusion de la musique haitienne, University of Quebec, Montreal. --.1950. Complaintes haitiennes: Recueilles et harmonisees, 2nd ed. Port-auPrince: Agence Haitienne de Musique. --.1953a. La Messe sur les airs vodouesques (Messe folklorique haitienne), full score. Societe de recherche et de diffusion de la musique haitienne, University of Quebec, Montreal. --.1953b. La Messe sur les airs vodouesques (Messe folklorique haitienne), choral parts. Societe de recherche et de diffusion de la musique haitienne, University of Quebec, Montreal. Jaegerhuber, Werner A., and Louis Maximilien. 1944. Herzulie Freda Dahomey. Cahiers d'Haiti 8:22-27. Johnson, Cuthbert, O.S.B. 1984. Prosper Gueranger (1805-1875) A liturgical theologian: An introduction to his liturgical writings and works. Studia Anselmiana 89, Analecta Liturgica 9. Rome: Pontificio Ateneo S. Anselmo. Largey, Michael. 2006. Vodou nation: Haitian art music and cultural nationalism. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Mathieu, Marie Suze. 1991. The transformation of the Catholic Church in Haiti. PhD diss. Indiana University. Maximilien, Louis. 1945. Le vodou haitien: rite radas-canzo. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de l'etat. --.1953a. Folklore et musique: considerations sur la musique de Jaegerhuber. Societe de recherche et de diffusion de la musique haitienne, University of Quebec, Montreal. --.1953b. Jaegerhuber. Le [Port-au-Prince] Nouvelliste 9:1-3. Murray, Gerald F. 1984. Bon-Dieu and the rites of passage in rural Haiti: Structural determinants of post colonial theology and ritual. In The Catholic Church and religions in Latin America, edited by Thomas C. Bruneau, Chester E. Gabriel, and M. Mooney, 188-231. Montreal: Centre for Developing-Area Studies, McGill University. Oriol, Jacques, Leonce Viaud, and Michel Aubourg. 1952. Le Mouvement folklorique en Haiti. Serie II, no. 9. Port-au-Prince: Bureau d'ethnologie. Price-Mars, Jean. 1928. Ainsi parla l'oncle: Essais d'ethnographie. France: Imprimerie de Compiegne. Robert, Bishop Jean Marie-Paul. 1962. Haitian bishop on Voodoo. The Tablet: A Weekly Newspaper and Review 216, no. 3934:1206-1207. Savain, Roger E. 1950. Preface to Complaintes Haitiennes: Recueillies et harmonisees by Werner A. Jaegerhuber. 2nd ed. Port-au-Prince: Agence Haitienne de Musique. Seabrook, William. 1929. The magic island. New York: Harcourt, Brace. von Balthasar, Hans Urs. 1986. The glory of the Lord: A theological aesthetics. 6 vols. San Francisco: Ignatius Press. (1.) At all times, we retain the original spelling of Creole as presented by the authors cited in this text even if they differ considerably from the accepted conventions currently practiced. Similarly, we have not attempted to reduce the inherited orthographic variety into a single form as, for example, "vaudou," "rodou," "vaudouesque," and "vodouesque," nor for the names of the various divinities as they appear in citations and in titles. (2.) Louis Maximilien (1905-1963) collaborated with Jaegerhuber on many of the composer's most ambitious projects. He provided the libretti for the epic cantata Trois scenes historiques as well as the opera Naissa. Maximilien, who was to perish in the prisons of Papa Doc, began an important collection of anthropological artifacts and stories of the African diaspora and pre-Columbian/Amerindian culture that formed the foundations of the Musee d'ethnologie d'Haiti. He was the author of Le Vaudou haitien rite Rada-Canzo, published in 1945. (3.) Monseigneur Paul Sansone Jean-Marie Robert, Bishop of Gonaives, Haiti, was born in Hellean in the diocese of Vannes in France on May 23, 190l. He was ordained September 30, 1923, elected bishop January 14, 1936, and was consecrated March 29, 1936. In 1962, after thirty-nine years as a priest in Haiti, he was expelled, or, as he put it, "shown the door," on orders of President Duvalier based on the accusation that he had lead the antisuperstition campaigns of 1942 and that he refused to give the sacraments to everyone: "in other words, he had refused to make an alliance with Voodoo" (Robert 1962). He died on March 4, 1994, in Bretagne as bishop in partibus of the antique Christian territory of Castra de Galba in Numidia, located presently between Tunisia and Algeria. (4.) Largey (2006, 227) discusses the rumor concerning this mass that Micheline Delancour brought to his attention. (5.) Inculturation is a theological term that has been defined as "the incarnation of the Gospel in autonomous cultures into the life of the Church" (Encyclical Letter 1985). A fuller treatement of the terra is found in Inculturation and The Roman Liturgy (1994). The result of a successful inculturation is a "new creation," something that is not found in either tradition. A similar term, enculturation, is a sociological concept outlining the process an individual takes in inserting himself or herself in their own culture. (6.) An expression commonly employed among the practitioners of Haiti's folk religion. Lwa or loa is a general term meaning a spirit which is part of the Vodou pantheon. (7.) Jeremie Breda presents a description of the clergy since the concordat of March 28, 1860. The influence the Church exerted in Haiti, he maintains, was exercised by the dedicated men and women who came to tend to the needs of the Haitians. As a group they have been described as "a breed apart ... as select and tough-minded a collection of idealists as can be found ... A Foreign Legion of the clergy" (Breda 1963, 241-244). Most came from middle-class Breton families and were educated in a special seminary in Brittany. The education of these seminarians was subsidized by the Haitian government, which sought to provide a source of educators who, in many instances, came to Haiti knowing that they would die there. On August 15, 1966, a revised concordat was signed with the Duvalier government that ensured the indigenization of the hierarchy through the nomination process that required presidential approval (Green 1993, 114). (8.) Dom Prosper Gueranger (1805-1875), first Abbot of Solesmes (the Benedictine Abbey and Congregation of Saint Pierre de Solesmes), was a prolific author whose works include the fifteen volumes of L'Annee liturgique (Johnson 1984). (9.) Is it under the influence of this book that Jaegerhuber composed, between 1947 and 1950, a symphony titled L'Ile enchantee? (10.) According to Roger E. Savain (1950), at that time director of l'Agence Haitienne de Musique, Jaegerhuber spoke twice publicly to the Scientific Society "as to the necessity of folk music of Haiti as the foundation of a national music." (11.) On the nature of this collection, see the study by Robert Grenier (2001). (12.) Jaegerhuber and his faithful collaborator, ethnologist Louis Maximilien, explain the syntax of this musical language of the adepts of the cult of Herzulie in their coauthored article (Jaegerhuber and Maximilien 1944). The same text was reprised in Maximilien's book (1945, 195-214). (13.) If we are to believe Louis Maximilien (1953a) in the introduction to the posthumous collection of the works of Jaegerhuber, the Haitian composer always kept his distance from Wagner, preferring to be seen associated with Bach, Mozart, Mahler, and Brahms. (14.) The Pro Arre orchestra, founded by Charles Miot, Werner Jaegerhuber, and Robert Durand, had to cease its activities after the concert of November 30, 1939, due to the wavering health of Jaegerhuber, who was its guiding spirit. The first embolism attack left him significantly impaired as Robert Durand (1977, 3) bears witness: "He became almost blind for a long time. When, at last, his health improved, he regained his sight.... Nevertheless he remained paralyzed on his left side, having only the use of the first three fingers of his left hand." (15.) A comparable composition intended to aid the evangelization of the Huron Nation in Canada is the still popular "Huron Carol." Attributed to St. Jean de Brebeuf (1593-1649), the carol adapts the sixteenth-century French tune "Une jeune pucelle" to the text "Estennialon de tsounue Jesus ahatonhia." (16.) There are forty known settings of the mass cycles based on this melody, dating from about 1450 until near the end of the seventeenth century. The Naples manuscript is the only surviving copy of the melody and text from the period (Fallows 200l). (17.) We propose that Maximilien's manifesto attempted to explain the artistic foundations of Jaegerhuber's art with the view of diminishing resistance to the work's performance, which was based on the presumption that it was an idolatrous and sacrilegious affront to the heritage of Christianity. His campaign targeted Haitians and the French clergy but was also aimed at the United States, where preparations were underway for a performance of the Messe and the Trois scenes historiques. To this end, Maximilien's thesis, in an authorized translation by Julius Weisel, is an English version of an original Creole text prepared for introducing the Scenes. The American orchestral conductor of Belgian origin, Leon Barzin, undertook the project of conducting the special commemorative program, which was broadcast by Voice of America on the one hundred fiftieth anniversary of Hatian independence. (18.) No Latin American bishops were invited to attend the Council of Trent. Thus, the deliberations of the Council, which set the foundations for the Counter Reformations, did so with no knowledge of the experience of those who were evangelizing the indigenous populations of an entirely new and unknown continent (Garcia-Rivera 1995, 10). (19.) There are three major groupings of rites based on this initial transmission of the faith: the Roman, the Antiochian (Syria), and the Alexandrian (Egypt). Later on, the Byzantine developed from the Antiochian as a major rite under the influence of St. Basil and St. John Chrysostom. From these four derive the more than twenty liturgical rites present in the Church today. (20.) "C'est jodi moin" is listed as number five in the composer's ethnographic research and is the fifth song in the collection Offrandes vodouesques. (21.) "Dambala oh" is listed as number fifteen in the composer's ethnographic research and no. 11 in the Offrandes vodouesques. (22.) "Vling sou vling" is listed as number sixteen in the composer's ethnographic research and no. 9 in the Offrandes Vodouesques. (23.) A terra used by Swiss theologian Hans Urs von Balthasar to indicate the dramatic entry of God into human history (see von Balthasar 1986). (24.) "Erzulie e," a favorite of the composer, is listed as number twelve in his ethnographic research, no. 23 in the Offrandes vodouesques, and is found in the first song of the Complaintes haitiennes, the string quartet, Suite folklorique, and the Trois scenes historiques. (25.) "Laza oh" is listed as number eighteen in the composer's ethnographic research and no. 12 in the Offrandes Vaudouesques. (26.) Jaegerhuber records two similar texts for "Erzili e." The melody he transcribed in his ethnographic research of 2938 we find: "Erzili e, Erzili e, ca oh Youne seul ti pitite mon gagnin M'pas jouene mange pou li oh Erzili e, Erzili e, ca oh" (Jaegerhuber 1938). In the published song collection, Complaintes haitiennes, we note a slightly different Creole text for the same melody: "Erzulie Eh!, Erzulie Eh! Ca Oh! M'pas gangnin chanc" mes amis Gnoun seul ti petit' moin gangnin Oh! Erzulie Eh!, Erzulie Eh! ca Oh!" (Jaegerhuber 1937-1945). (27.) Or a specific solo voice called "La Reine Chanterelle" referring to the French etymology: "voix ou corde la plus aigue d'un instrument a cordes frottees ou pincees" (voice or highest string of a string instrument stroked or plucked). "Chanterelle" could refer also to the leading voice of a bird. In voodoo, other names are used also for this dominating voice: Samba is a Taino (pre-Columbian) word to designate a singer's voice; Adjenikon (equivalent of Kapelmeister) derives from African languages (see Dauphin 1986, 30, 56, 59)--Mambo is a female officiate or priestess at a Vodou ceremony; a Hougan is her male counterpart. ROBERT GRENIER is associate professor of music at South Carolina State University. He received his D.M.A. from the Eastman School of Music. A member of the Societe de recherche et de diffusion de la musique haitienne (SRDMH), he has edited from manuscript many works by Haiti's composers. He contributed the first article on the art music of Haiti in the Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians and has promoted performances of this repertoire internationally. CLAUDE DAUPHIN is a native of Gonaives, Haiti. He obtained his Ph.D. in musicology from the Liszt Academy in Budapest and, at present, is a professor at the University of Quebec at Montreal, where he pursues his research in musicology, ethnomusicology, and the history and theory of musical pedagogy. Cofounder of the SRDMH in Montreal, he collected documentation and produced concerts featuring the artists and repertoire of Haiti. Among his books and numerous articles in journals and reference works is his study of the music of Haitian Vodou, titled Musique du vaudou: Fonctions, structures et styles (Naaman 1986). Source: The Free Library </td> </tr> </table></td> </tr> </table></td> </tr> </table></td> </tr> </table> </td> </tr> </table></td> </tr> <tr> <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" height="2" width="100%"> </td> </tr> </table> </td> </tr> </table></td> </tr> <tr> <td rowspan="1" colspan="1" width="100%"> </td> </tr> </table> [/center]

Absolutely stupendous PIPO,
Nou wè kisa ki ka pèdi lè enbesil ap vini di Vodou se relijyon dyab?

Kounye an nou bezwen "OKES SENT TRINITE" an entèprete zèv sa a.
Ti nèg pi wayalis ke wa a ,tankou yo di.

An 1994 ,si m sonje,PAP lan te anvizit lan BENIN.Li te rankontre ak VODUN lan e misye te mande eskiz pou pèsekisyon legliz katolik te fè Vodou sibi.
Wi Pap lan aksepte Vodou ,alòs ke enbesil ap di ,ap kontinye di ke se Vodou ki kòz Ayiti an reta!

[b]Ala yon ti tonton akaryat ki rinmin pale ranss blah blah blah se Joel sa a! Poukisa ke w pa we ke w pa rekonet ke edikasyon ak konesanss w limite .

Joel ,
Diderot,Voltaire, les abonnes des salons et tant d'autres te kon di ke la relijyon se pwazon. Yo di bagay sa a se sipestisyon sitou relijyon katolik la ki te kon ginn monopoli lan ediksayon ak tout bagay valab lan sosyete a .Eske opinyon sayo fe yo inbesil ? Sa yo tap di a se betiz se ranss ? Joel kom neg kap fe recherche kijan w fe pou sote epok dizwityem siek des limieres lan istwa lerop ?

Se sa wi li te ye .Pwan relijyon ak gagan di ke se li ki koz tout maleu lerop epi retade developkman kontinan an .Le konpe Napoleon li menm te nomyn tett li Anpereu se li wi ki te pwan kouronn li pou li depoze li sou tett li .Anvan sa neg te konn rantre lan legliz kraze stati sin volo kraze brize - menmjan ak lakay- pandan afe tett cho revolisyon fransez la .

La vi a se yon kaskad de cycle ke li ye . Fok w gan vizyon ak balanss intelektyel wi Joel pou sa byen konpwan sa moun ki pa dako avek w ap di .Yon jenn disip ki pa kon sa lap di tou la majeu pati di tan soti pou li onore w min w menm w deside kraze bagay la lan afe ideoloji plinyado neg tett di ou a .

Lan afe joure sa a san w pa refleshi a sesak fe w ouve pott pou moun ridikilize w wi .W ta rinmin intelektyel min w komanse tro ta lan vi aou . W pagin baz ak dispozisyon sa a lakay w .W konpwan afe intelektyel la se afe militan politik ke li ye .Vous faites erreur mon cher ! [/b]

Ki sa w vle di,ou se yon entelektyèl?
Sou ki baz?
Noumenm ayisyen ,nou renmen abize mo sa a.Ti krik ti krak,nou se entelektyèl.
Sispann fout!
Byen ke mwen konnen,ou pa p sispann,paske se jan sa w konnen,pou w aji.
Epi noumenm ayisyen,nou youjou ap pale de "syèk dè limyè".Se de Voltaire,Rousseau,Diderot ;se avèk mesye sa yo,syèk dè limyè an te koumanse?
Ki kote VOLTAIRE te ale pou l aprann ,se pa t ann Angletè,paske pa t gen dwa pou moun pale sa w vle an Frans?
Wi se toujou franse,franse.Ou konnen an 1818,apre wayote an te tounen an Frans ,yo t al dechouke kadav VOLTAIRE ak ROUSSEAU lan PANTEYON an ,al jete yo lan rigòl?

Ou toujou vle pwovoke moun ,ap rele yo non.
Menm yon nonm tankou ARCHE JEAN ki entèvni raman sou sit lan ;misye te bay yon opinyon ki kontrè ak sa w panse ,ou te gen tan koumanse ak joure l!
ASE FOUT!

Dernière édition par deza le Jeu 26 Nov 2009 - 2:16, édité 1 fois

Ti joel,

Mwin konyn mwin se yon intelektyel paske memnsi mwin pat konsa patron w yo te fem konsa poum ka fe diferanss lan antt mwin menm avek w.Je vis de la vie de la pensee abstraite, je suis partisan de son evolution vers les spheres suprieures de l'intelligence et je vis heureux dans la niche particuliere de son environement precieux qui me convient .La mediocrite me repugne quelque soit son origine sociale .
Epi Arche Jean se yon Platon dixit li ye pou w tou ? Vous avez toutes les qualites requises pour vous glorifier du titre d'ignorant ,espece de croquemort de la pensee abstraite .

Deza wap pèdi tan'w, filozofi moun sa yo se pou an Ayiti fè nwa la jounen kou lan nwit. Afè bay pèp la on ti limyè ya pa nan vokabilè yo menm.

Antouka se ra se ta .Pagin sa Menm boisitt la sou forumhaiti.Yap oblije minin teknik fe nwa yo a sou sitt lavalass yo kap femyn yon deye lot paske moun fatige ak pwopagan toutan matin midi aswe a .

Bo isitla se lom ne pass pa et la bal ne passe pa

.Min kwa maman'w min kwa papa'w vin pile'l .

Noupap pwan kou deta swadizn demokraik pou nou ouve pott pou anashi ak invazion etranjer .Une fois n'est pas coutume .

deza a écrit:

Ti joel,

Mwin konyn mwin se yon intelektyel paske memnsi mwin pat konsa patron w yo te fem konsa poum ka fe diferanss lan antt mwin menm avek w.Je vis de la vie de la pensee abstraite, je suis partisan de son evolution vers les spheres suprieures de l'intelligence et je vis heureux dans la niche particuliere de son environement precieux qui me convient .La mediocrite me repugne quelque soit son origine sociale .
Epi Arche Jean se yon Platon dixit li ye pou w tou ? Vous avez toutes les qualites requises pour vous glorifier du titre d'ignorant ,espece de croquemort de la pensee abstraite .

Marc,

genyen pou l reponn deske li kite nou "hijack" sit lan.
Ou pa entelektyèl ou pami moun ke PAOLO FREIRE rele "bankye".
Pami moun ki entèvni sou sit lan ,mwen mete JAF pami moun yo rele entelektyèl yo,paske li ekri liv orijinal tankou "Viv Bondye Aba Relijyon"
Se yon esè orijinal,ke mwen tande misye defann lan radyo ann Ayiti ,osi byen ke esè misye fè an Kreyòl sou Istwa Dayiti.
Se jis yon egzanp.

Al fè wout nou,satan jerenons,n ap touye sit lan a ti fe.

Epitou ,eseye respekte òtograf ofisyèl kreyòl lan.Si w ta menm gen pretansyon pou w ta yon entelektyèl,se bagay pi piti pou w ta fè.
Apre tou se sou administrasyon J.C. DIVALYE an yo te pibliye l

Ti Jojo,

Le nou finn betize ak lang kreol la le nou respekte lang kreol la ma swiv otograf li .Mwin pa lan afe chak militan linguiss ki monte chanje otograff la .Pou kounye a mwin menm Deza map ekri janm vle paske gin twop bloffeu ak militan politik lan afe lang kreyol la. Li le pou nou swiv mwin .

Epi sak tegantan ginla a ? W ekri franseu tankou yon ti bossu ki anraje min mwin degajem janm kapab poum konpwan saou ekri yo .Mwin pa menm anmede w sou konplex mwin we ke w ginyen yo paske tan w finn passe sepaou ki reprezante lavni lan kilti nou an nii lan sosyete ki pwal bati a . Ayiti pa yon peyi kontinan afrikin an menmsi nou finn anraje pou afrikanize Ayiti pou defan vye intere kongo nou .

Vous pouvez au moins essayer dee faire contre mauvaise fortune bon coeur .Il y a une certaine noblesse a reconnaitre ses torts apres avoir erre avec tant de passion dans la boue de la corruption ,de l'hypocrisie ,des illusions cultuelles et doctrinales :

Lavalasse est un echec total d'une generation de chimeres pretentieux et avides de bien mal acquis .Apres la trahison de leur messie il leur est difficile d'accepter qu'ils etaient au service du mensonge de leur clan ,de l'opportunisme des uns et des autres qui ont forme une alliance infernale avec la preponderance des interets de l'etranger qui les meprise .

Bon se devwa mwin poum we si mwinka ede yon nonm ki anaba mwin evolye si mwin vle monte piro lan chenn konessanss ak siperiorite echell kosmik la min ti Joel w lou anpil .W fe kado intelijanss aou bay absidite ak fantezi opinion moun kipa kanpe sou anyen .Mwin pa diou pa konsidere jafrikayiti kom intelektyel min mwin pa rekonet li tit sa a lan liv pa mwin paske misye se yon sinmp ti solda li ye lan batay la .Li poko ofisye li paka ofisye paske menmjan avek ou li egri li rankinye lipakapab transede eta li .

W dim vade retro satanas .W pa konen mo sa yo gin vibrasyon ke yo ka tounyn pou atake karma w paske wap bay manti w kanpe lan rejyon lanfe ki anpeche limanite evolye ?Ke'm fe'm mal pou w .Nou pwomett Paradi epi nou vini ak lanfer .Nou pa vle moun di nou sa bann ti demon pitit Lisifer .
Mwin menm mwin toujou di neg ki soti lan lafer ki fett lan lafer paka minin moun lan paradi paske vizyon yo se vizyon lanfer abitid yo se abitid lanfer .Les demons ne peuvent jamais se transformer en anges parce qu';ils ont entendu parler des bienfaits du Paradis .Il faut tout d'abord se preparer a cette mission et elever sa spiritualite avant d'entamer un projet aussi difficile .Mais helas !Votre nature sociale est celle d'un dassoman de chez nous .Vous voullez bruler les etapes,vous voulez bon berger alors que vous marchez vous-memes a l'aveuglette dans le noir de vos vots incompetences.

Kite Marc trankil tande .Li kon sa lap fe .Li te konstate ke forum nan bezwin respire .Li invite lot moun . Kisa nou te vle ?Nou vle demokrasi min nou pa vle moun di nou ke yo padako avek nou ? Nou panse an bon pwovisyal ke nou gindwa manke moun dega eke moun pa gin dwa reponn nou ? Forum nan patka respire ak jenerasyon jeriatrik la ki te bali panzou a ki te antere li lan routinn ak stagnasyon .Marc di nou an evolye min nou menm nou di nou vle marquez le pas sur place sela konessanss lan ye .

Marc pa anpeche w pale .Mwin pa anpeche w pale . Ni w ni patizan w yo .W gin libete pou echanger dialoguer comabattre ide mwin yo dechouke'm piblikman .W ka rale zam intelektyel w pou defan pozisyon w pou twerasser ak agiman ninpot moun sou forum nan .Se dwa w .Pa mete inkapasite w sou do Marc .Sepa Marc ki responsab si w paka kanpe poukont w sou deu pye militer aou tankou yon gasson kanson .Sepa li ki fe ke w bezwin administrasyon forum nan vinn defan ou le w pwan lan mera .W menm ak tout akolitt ou yo dwe konpwan ke Marc paka fe babysitter pou nou mete sucon lan bouch nou le nou sal diaper nou epi nou anvi krye .

Ti Jojo,
W paka diskite avek mwin .W manke disiplinn intelektyel w manke repondong .Al gade pou we si Jafrikayiti ka baou you ti kont min sanmalice .Li pa finn bon boxer min li ka pwan detwa bon fay anvan ke mwin vide li ater lem finn jwe avek li prepare li pou knock-out la

. Mwin pa di pipopopo paske misye menm se yon ka spesyal ...Apropo mwin konen lavalass yo se neg san koutya san manye w te sonje di misye messi pou ti tex li te mete pou w a pou baou kouray la

?

[b]Lavalasse est une idee morte .[/b]

A bon entendeur salut !

Sispann ranse.
Mwen gen preske 8 ou 9 an depi m ap swiv JAF.Sou anpil sit diskisyon.
Ou pa rive menm lan cheviy li.Li ba w vag ,paske tou senpman li pa vle diskite ak ou.Se tankou voye wòch pou konble lanmè.
Wi se paske tan m fin pase ,ke m pa ta renmen moun tankou w gen okenn enfliyans lan avni Ayiti.
M ap repete l ,nou pa lan 19yèm syèk ankò.

Pou òtograf ofisyèl lan;genyen yon òtograf ofisyèl Kreyòl e ou pa respekte l.
Pa vin di ke gen anpil moun ki pa dakò sou òtograf lan ;se pa vre ;se lan sa m ta rele "periferi" òtograf lan gen ti dezakò.
A la de "entelektyèl" papa.
Epi tou ale gade jan w reponn sou diskisyon lan fowòm lan.Kelkelanswa sijè an ,se pou w vin redwi ak yon kesyon de Lavalas ou byen Kongo.

Mwen ba w yon defi .Ou vle diskite sou merit lang franse an?
Annou diskite.Vini ak agiman w ;pa vin rele moun non.
Montre sa w konnen!

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Dedie a Joel/Voodoo music study makes Vatican Library

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