Les Paroles de Jean Dominique:

Rappel du premier message :

RADIO HAITI INTER MARDI 19 OCTOBRE 1999
HAITI INTER FAIT LE POINT: DANY TOUSSAINT, PREND-IL LES ENFANTS DU BON
DIEU POUR DES CANARDS SAUVAGES ?

Un groupe de hurleurs, peut-il prétendre prendre en otage Radio Haiti
pour forcer nos micros à diffuser leurs accusations diffamatoires contre
d'honnêtes fonctionnaires publics et leur propos racistes anti-mulâtres?
C'est la question que nous nous sommes posées hier matin lorsq'une
quarantaine d'énergumènes bloquaient pendant quatre heures le boulevard
de Delmas devant notre immeuble?

Hurlements, vociférations, pierres lancées contre notre façade, nos
grilles violemment secouées. Devant notre résistance à leur terrorisme,
ils s'en sont pris à ma personne, avec évidemment les slogans macoutes
contre les "Ti rouge", contre les "mulâtres" et patati et patata. Des
habitants du voisinage avaient tenté en vain de leur faire entendre
raison. Non messieurs, Jean Dominique a toujours été de notre côté,
depuis 1980, en 90, en 91, sa façade en est témoin, des impacts de
balles des putschistes et durant tout le coup d'Etat, Radio Haiti
silence..., et Jean Dominique et sa femme en exil...

Les habitants du quartier ont tenté en vain de leur faire comprendre que
ceux qui attaquaient Jean Dominique, ceux qui attaquaient Radio Haiti et
ceux qui attaquent Radio Haiti aujourd'hui sont toujours les macoutes,
les Duvalier, les Bennett, les Jean Valmé, les Constantin-Mayard Paul,
les Cédras, les Michel François, les espions de grands bourgeois
fabriquants de médicaments empoisonnés, les Serge Beaulieu, les Gérard
Georges, les Isidor Pongnon, tout comme en 1991, les Namphy, les
Regala...

Ces braves gens qui voulaient dire la vérité se sont fait tabassés
devant les grilles de Radio Haiti. Tabassés. Alors d'autres voisins
avaient identifié les deux camionettes qui, venues de Pétion-Ville,
déchargeaient de temps en temps de nouvelles poignées de hurleurs, l'une
d'entre elles a été identifiée, c'et le H-5678.

Vouz voyez, on a ouvert l'oeil. Chauffeurs et manifestants interrogés
aussi, disaient naïvement avoir reçu quelques dollars du major pour
venir devant Radio Haiti. Du major? Dany Toussaint bien sur. Mais
pourquoi Radio Haiti Grand Dieu?

Durant la campagne déclenchée par Dany Toussaint contre Robert Manuel,
Pierrot Denizé et contre l'état major de la police, il circulait à
Tabarre la formule suivante, Bob Manuel, Pierrot Denizé et Jean
Dominique sont des "ti Rouge". J'étais donc depuis assez longtemps la
cible du parti de Dany Toussaint à l'intérieur de La Fanmi. D'autre
part, au lendemain de l'Opération de police "Columbus", vous vous
souvenez, une campagne visant à faire main basse sur la PNH s'était
déclenchée dans tout l'espace médiatique putschiste de la capitale. On
savait entendre sur certaines radios Jean-Claudistes, un jour: "Bob
Manuel attaquait le gouvernement", le lendemain: "Dany Toussaint et
Jean-Claude Nord, diffamer Bob Manuel". Si les radios Jean-Claudistes
n'étaient pas gênées de passer du jour au lendemain de l'un à l'autre en
faisant tirer l'un sur l'autre.

Nos ennemis saisissent toutes les occasions pour nous destabiliser. Ici
à Radio Haïti, durant toute cette campagne de diffamation, nous avons
gardé la tête froide. Opposant à ces brèches du code pénal, justifiable
d'un tribunal correctionnel et à ces attaques racistes, dignes d'un
meilleur macoutisme, opposant notre ligne strictement professionnel
d'informations, notre silence et notre tenue avaient agacé DanyToussaint
et peut être ses patrons.

Bob Manuel une fois révoqué, ce verrou qui bloquait les ambitions de
Dany Toussaint ayant sauté avec une certaine légèreté, il faut le
reconnaître, DanyToussaint s'en est alors pris à Denizé et à Eucher
Joseph à la cathédrale et aujourd'hui à moi. Ce qui circulait donc à
Tabarre se réalise.

En me livrant à ces réflexions, je prêtais l'oreille quand même à ce qui
se passait dans la rue devant ma porte, constatant que les grafittis
contre ma personne, que les cris de haine proférés contre moi, que la
correction infligée à d'honnêtes citoyens voulant dire la vérité sur moi
ne me craponnaient pas, ils ont voulu alors négocier. Du haut de la
terrasse, je leur fis savoir que je n'accepterais les excuses qu'ils
disaient vouloir me présenter que lorsqu'ils auraient effacer tous les
grafittis me concernant, ce qui fut fait immédiatement. J'acceptai alors
de les écouter, d'entendre leurs excuses, mais je leur refusai le micro
en leur disant de transmettre à Dany Toussaint le message suivant: 1)
DanyToussaint a commis une première erreur; celui qui vous a payé, leur
ai-je dit, pour tenter de me terroriser, à commis trois erreurs. La
première samedi à la cathédrale, il s'agissait pour lui et ses accolytes
de profiter des funérailles de Jean Lamy pour organiser une
manifestation accusatrice et diffamatoire. Certes, ils ont diffamé
Pierre Denizé et Luc Eucher Joseph, certes, ils ont physiquement agressé
le directeur général de la Police Nationale, certes ils ont profané sous
les yeux du Père Jean Bertrand Aristide un lieu qui aurait dû être sacré
pour tous: la Cathédrale de Port-au-Prince; sacré pour les croyants et
les non-croyants, mais DanyToussaint malgré ces quelques avances pour
lui, n'a pu réunir qu'une poignée d'individus à l'intérieur de la
cathédrale. C'était manifeste, malgré la mobilisation tentée évidemment
dans tous les médias putschistes avant cette messe de funérailles,
malgré ce qu'il disait de la sympathie populaire dont jouissait Jean
Lamy, il n'y avait qu'une poignée de manifestants, des parents et des
officiels à ces funérailles. Ah! Cela est une nouvelle preuve de
l'érosion tragique d'un certain pouvoir de convocation populaire qui se
constate à Port-au-Prince depuis quelques temps.

Atansyon!

Seleksyon dap-piyanp yo te fèt an Me e Novanm 2000. Sa vle di ke Jean Do te asasinen lontan. Menm jan ke Joel di ke li pa t ap aksepte se si, se menm jan w tou ke mwen ka di ke li pa t ap aksepte sela.

An nou rete baze nan deklarasyon l yo.

Menm jan ke Jean Do denonse IFES, Radyo Vizyon 2000, li denonse Lavalas tou. Pa vini ak "ekspoze defo" lavalas, se pou w di bagay lan klè, li DENONSE LAVALAS TOU KòM RASIS, CHIMè, MALANDREN...

E se sa ki fè ke misye se te yon gran Ayisyen ki merite respè. Li pat konn denonse yon sektè, li te konn denonse zak malonèt.

Verite osnon manti?:

Citation:

mwens pase 7 jou anvan yo touye li, Jeando se Lavalas li t ap defann
piblikman kont manipilasyon sektè koudetayis tradisyonèl la (blan
tankou Ayisyen!).

Se manti!

Rezon an senp

Sa nou pa janm ka dijere a, se ke misye pa t ap defann klan, li t ap denonse TOUT sa ke li panse ki nefas pou peyi an.

Nou menm ki toujou wè ke jodyè an ap bouyi yon sèl bò, nou konprann depi yon moun denonse advèsè nou, se pou nou ke y ap pran.

Jiska prezan ni wou ni Joel pa ka menm imajine pou Jean Dominique t a denonse lavalas, nou pito bwose kritik kòmkwa li senpleman "ekspoze defo" lavalas. Defo tankou :

_ Rasism

_ Itilizasyon chimè JPP pou entimide moun serye

_ itilizasyon taktik makout

_ Itilizasyon chato Tabarre lan kòm katye jeneral konplo chimerik ak difamasyon

_ Asasina politik

...pou mwen site sila yo sèlman

An nou antann nou mesye, ame nou de kouraj pou nou asime zak nou. Sinon n ap kontinye make pa sou plas.

Men sa yon manm òganizasyon Jeistis pou Jeando ekri. Se pa djèdjè k ap voye monte non!

Bonne lecture!

http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/ELI410A.html
Haiti: The Coup D'Etat of April 3, 2000

by Patrick Élie

<BLOCKQUOTE>

Once again, tragedy has struck Haïti!

On the very year of the Bicentennial of her exemplary Independence, she finds herself under foreign military occupation. Adding insult to injury, French boots are this time, part of the contingent desecrating her soil.

The vast majority of her people, poor peasants and their urban descendants, have once again been brutally disenfranchised, robbed of their hard-won citizenship by the Most Repugnant Elite, allied and subservient to hostile and racist foreign powers.

Although this tragedy came to a sudden conclusion on that fateful February 29, 2004, it was the result of a carefully and patiently crafted and executed plot. In a perverse kind of way, Haïti has made History again, proving unique albeit this time in her victimization. Coups d'Etat are usually swift operations, and even when announced by a long period of destabilization orchestrated and funded by imperialist power(s), as in the 1973 Chilean coup, the final blow is delivered by the local military. However, in the February 2004 “regime change,” the usual puppet masters had to step unto the stage and quite openly deliver the coup de grace themselves.

This “new and improved” coup d’Etat, resembles a slowly unfolding chess game, where unfortunately the Haïtian people was finally checkmated last February 29.

But, as is often the case, things are not what they appear to be; the outcome of that game had in fact been decided quite sometime ago, almost exactly 4 years before, on April 3, 2000, at 6:00 a.m. to be precise. Following this most tragic day all the agitation, maneuvers, feints and counter-feints, amounted to little more than the pathetic moves of a headless chicken, still trying to run away from the butcher’s knife. The minute those 7 bullets were pumped into Jean Dominique’s body, the Lavalas phase of the Haïtian popular democratic movement was, for all intents and purposes, dead on its feet.

In fact, the permanent silencing of Jean Dominique, was THE logical and indispensable prerequisite for the success of this new coup against the Haïtian people; the third in less than 20 years, if one includes as indeed one should, the pre-emptive strike of November 29, 1987, when voters where mowed down by the army assisted by FRAPH’s precursors. This conclusion, though reached in hindsight, is indisputable upon analysis of the nature and mechanism of the coup as well as the nature and extent of Jean’s influence on the popular democratic movement.

We are convinced, as were Haïti’s enemies, that JanDo would have detected this new conspiracy, exposed its sponsors, objectives and mechanisms, identified its local accomplices and rallied the national forces necessary to foil it. Using his microphone to project his great voice, harnessing his hard-won moral authority and his legendary powers of persuasion in face-to-face discussion, Jean would have single-handedly defeated this criminal plot.

We know many will doubt our assertion; indeed how could one man armed only with a microphone and a radio station stop the two juggernauts conspiring against Haïti; how could he have made a difference when the two imperialist powers who had done the most harm to the Haïtian people all through its history, combined their forces, one to subjugate, the other to humiliate and extract revenge.

Such doubts might come easy to those who don?t know the realities of Haïti and who have not witnessed Jean?s career and his tremendous impact on Haïtian politics during the last 20 years. Given the short attention span of international public opinion, specially where Haiti is concerned, they certainly would not remember how Jean had ridiculed and defeated a last ditch attempt by hired intellectuals to derail Haiti's first democratic elections, in December 1990, by warning against a plebiscite; how he had exposed and unraveled the attempt by the economic elite to harness the just frustrations of a significant fraction of the Haïtian masses and trick them into serving their project to strengthen their hold on the economy while regaining their monopoly on political power. The white knight of the bourgeoisie was Oilvier Nadal then, rather than Andy Apaid, and Jean paid dearly for daring to stand in his way: almost overnight most of Radio Haïti’s publicity contracts were cancelled. Later on, JanDo would similarly defeat a clever US sponsored plot to effectively disenfranchise the poor people of Haïti, but this time by cunning rather than by violence: electoral cards were to be issued sparingly in with a bias guaranteed to exclude most of the electorate likely to vote Lavalas.

Much more than a radio anchorman, much more than a political leader, Jean Dominique was our collective radar spotting the traps of our enemies long before they could spring shut on us; our lighthouse cutting through the fog of confusion that has slowly descended upon the Haitian popular democratic movement since 1994; our alarm siren whose blast would have awaken and chastised our political leaders the minute they started drifting into corruption or indifference to the plight of our people. For if Jean had friends in power, he never was a friend of power and he spared no one in his defense of the Haitian masses true interest. There is no doubt in our mind, that even someone as head-strong as Jean-Bertrand Aristide, would have been forced to hear Jean and thus avoid at least the most fatal errors and mistakes accumulated in the last 4 years.

As mentioned before, a close examination of the coup of February 29, 2004, would show why Jean would have been its most formidable opponent. For despite the spectacular saber-rattling of the small band of thugs armed and trained in the Dominican Republic before being let loose upon our country, they were but a small cog in the vast machine of political destabilization. Key to the success of the plot was the role played by the self-anointed “independent press.” From 1994 on, but specially since 2000, the majority of radio stations in Haïti had joined into an informal but very effective alliance against the Lavalas movement. Jean, ever the astute observer of Haïti’s political scene and a master at sniffing out the plots of our international foes, had noted as early as the end of 1994, the incredible number of new radio stations that had sprouted in the country under the military dictatorship of Cedras, at a time when there was no freedom of the press and the country was under economic embargo to boot. For him, it was clear that something was amiss: the enemy had decided to turn our most important weapon, radio stations, against us. Jean was the fiercest defender of freedom of the press, but he also understood this freedom to be at the service of a greater good: the right of the people to untainted information. All during these last 4 years, this right was being grossly violated by both the State-owned media, spewing a steady stream of indecent pro-Aristide propaganda, and by the “independent” radio stations drumming up a coordinated climate of insurrection and intolerance. No doubt Jean Dominique, even alone, would have remained the Haitian people’s trustful compass in these times of confusion and treachery. Moreover, the tremendous respect he commanded, even from his worst enemies, would have carried enough weight to force all his colleagues, whether state-employed or IRI-sponsored, into at least a modicum of respect for objectivity and ethics in journalism. With Jean gone, the press ran amok, with overzealous partisans of President Aristide making open threats on the State-owned television and commercial radios opening their microphone to convicted criminals, for their daily address to the Nation?.

Jean Dominique was our “army of one,” the political immune system of the popular democratic movement. For the abomination of February 29, 2004 to succeed, he had to be permanently removed from the scene.

We must fight relentlessly for his killers to be brought to justice and for the truth to come out about this brutal assassination. We stand convinced today, that if the triggermen and local planners were Haitians, the masterminds of the crime are the same who engineered the February coup and who have always considered targeted assassination as a normal tool of foreign policy.

Patrick Elie was Head of Security and Minister of Defense, in Aristide's first government.

</BLOCKQUOTE>

Sa a rete opinyon Patrick Elie, menm jan ke Jafrik genyen opinyon l. Si se pou estipilasyon sou sa ke Dominique t ap fè apre eleksyon bidon 2000 yo, pa manke sa. Se menm jan tou ke sektè ki pa fè pati de bizango lavalas yo fè konnen ke se lavalas ki touye misye pou yo te ka retire vwa mouche sa a nan tèt pèp lan anvan ke yo te kòmèt koudeta elektoral 2000 yo. Yo deklare toujou ke, san manman lavalas yo konnen ke Jean Dominique pa t ap janm aksepte vale konplo lavalas la ki te pou yo sekirize diktati sanginè yo a.

Si se pou estipilasyon, mwen ka mete twòp sou fowòm nan. An nou analize fè yo pito, epi verite ap blayi klè kou dlo kòk.

Wi se vre ke Dominique te genyen yon pakèt ènmi, e nenpòt nan yo te ka vide l atè. Si anpil sektè te ka genyen a ganye nan lanmò Dominique, men se sektè lavalas ki te genyen a kache.

Sa yo se fè, se pa opinyon:

Citation:

The enquiry into Dominique’s death began with several false leads. A few days after he was killed, the body of his murderer was said to have been found, but it proved that the suspect had died three days before the murder. A few weeks later, Bob Lecorps, accused in 1997 of helping to murder justice minister Guy Malary in 1993, was arrested as he tried to cross into the Dominican Republic. He was soon released for want of a link to the Dominique killing.

Nearly 80 people have been questioned by judges Jean Sénat Fleury and Claudy Gassant, who have successively been preparing the case of Dominique’s murder. The investigators have found that:
_ The killing was planned in the course of several meetings.
_ The day of the murder, the killers were lying in wait outside the radio station. There were seven of them: two gunmen and five accomplices who waited in three vehicles - a red Nissan Pathfinder in which the gunmen got away, a white Cherokee jeep and a small truck parked a little further away.
_ Despite the different kinds of bullets found in Dominique’s and Louissant’s bodies, they probably came from the same gun, which has not been found.
_ Two of the vehicles, the Cherokee and the Nissan, had been stolen and already used to commit other crimes. The third vehicle was found burned-out.

No mastermind in the killing has been questioned but six people have been jailed for being directly or indirectly involved.
_ The suspected killer, Jamely Millien, known as Ti Lou, who was arrested about 10 days after the crime.
_ The second gunman, Jean Daniel Jeudi (known as Gime), Ti Lou’s brother, whose job was to cover him during the shooting. He was arrested a few weeks after the investigation began.
_ A person known to have had contacts with people working in the presidential palace.
_ Philippe Markington, an informer selling information he got through his access to many institutions. He presented himself to investigators a few days after the murder, claiming he had seen everything because, he said, he had been at the scene by chance. He was ready to cooperate with the enquiry in exchange for the release from prison of a friend. The accuracy of his descriptions made police suspect he had in fact taken part in the killing. He provided the numbers of two of the vehicles involved and said where the third vehicle had been abandoned.. fi Two policemen, one of whom, Ralph Léger, was arrested in possession of the white Cherokee jeep.

An investigation by Ana Arana for the Inter-American Press Association (IAPA), published on 12 March 2001, said the first three of the above had links with Ronald Camille (known as Ronald Cadavre), the suspected head of several criminal organisations and a man with a long criminal record. His name was mentioned in an enquiry into the murder of opposition senator Yvon Toussaint. Cadavre is thought to control networks of stolen vehicles and weapons in the capital’s port area and to run extortion rackets. Arana says his domain extends from the port to the central market. Cadavre, who has reportedly just won control of the port security service, was questioned by the examining magistrate. His brother Franco is a member of Aristide’s Fanmi Lavalas party

Men toujou...

The mysterious death of Jean-Wilner Lalanne

As they looked into the origin of the stolen vehicles used in the killing, the investigators came across Jean-Wilner Lalanne, who worked for a network handling stolen cars. He had been arrested in connection with the murder of an engineer in a Port-au-Prince suburb and then freed in unclear circumstances. Lalanne was arrested again on 15 June 2000 as a suspected link between the gunmen and those who ordered the killing of Dominique. He was shot and wounded in the buttocks and thigh when he was detained and died 13 days later during an operation to mend a broken thigh-bone. The exact cause of his death has not been established. The orthopaedic surgeon who performed the operation, Dr Alix Charles, said he died from a pulmonary embolism, but this appears to be contradicted by the autopsy. Two months later, when a second autopsy was ordered, it was found that Lalanne’s body had mysteriously disappeared a few weeks earlier. The examining magistrate has opened an enquiry. In early July, a few days after Lalanne died, Radio Haiti Inter raised questions about why there was violence when he was arrested. Three of those arrested for suspected involvement in the Dominique killing, including the suspected gunman, Ti Lou, were wounded in the course of being detained. After his arrest, Lalanne said several times he was afraid of being murdered. He was not guarded during his first days in hospital and people were able to visit him without the presence of police. In the 13 days before his operation, he was questioned just once by the examining magistrate, who only asked him about the murder of the engineer.

Lalanne had chosen another doctor for the operation, but it was done by Dr Charles. On 28 June, he was transferred from the general hospital to the Saint-François de Sales hospital where Charles operated the same afternoon, helped by a Dr Delaneau and two anaesthetists, Marie Yves-Rose Chrisostome and Gina Georges. Charles is being investigated on suspicion of manslaughter, but has not yet responded to a summons to appear before a judge. Four other people are in jail in connection with Lalanne’s death.

A number of people have wondered about the links between Charles and Dany Toussaint. Charles is a friend of Richard Salomon, said to be Toussaint’s right-hand man. It was Lalanne’s lawyer, Ephésien Joassaint, who asked Charles to operate. Joassaint had been recommended to Lalanne by Jean-Claude Nord, Toussaint’s lawyer.

Men toujou...

Obstruction by the Senate

Judge Claudy Gassant, who had been in charge of the case since September, asked Sen. Toussaint in early November to present himself for questioning. Senators claimed Toussaint had parliamentary immunity and did not have to respond, but the Constitution says such immunity only applies when the member of parliament risks arrest, which was not the case.[/b](Yon sena ki genyen 95% Lavalasyen)
Pressure on the judge became very heavy. [b]The Senate president, Yvon Neptune, said that "an insignificant little judge" could not summon a member of the Senate, whose members threatened to "investigate the precise reasons" for the judge wanting to talk to Toussaint. An associate of Sen. Prince Pierre Sonson said he had been threatened after Sonson called on Toussaint to go before the judge.

Judge Gassant was threatened on 30 January 2001 by a parliamentary deputy, Millien Rommage, a former assistant chief of presidential security and associate of Toussaint. The judge had just been questioning some of Toussaint’s associates when Rommage and a carload of heavily-armed men intercepted his car and warned him that "if he continued," his car might be fired on.
Toussaint finally asked permission from Senate president Neptune on 21 February to go to see judge Gassant, who subsequently questioned him on several occasions.

Men toujou...

Pressure on the judges

Holding up a copy of the Constitution, Judge Gassant told the Reporters Sans Frontières delegation that he intended to use all his powers under the law to complete his examination of the Dominique case. But he said he was up against the hostility and customary behaviour of certain social classes and professions.

In March, a group of lawyers, including the head of the bar association, Rigaud Duplan, criticised Gassant for not allowing lawyers to be present while he heard evidence from people in the Dominique case. The presence of lawyers is usually accepted, Gassant noted, but is not obligatory under the official criminal investigation guidelines. A few weeks earlier, he had run into resistance from a number of doctors and from the university medical school, who objected to him coming to investigate on their premises. In February, Gassant was reproached by parliamentary deputies for "illegally" arresting someone in the parliamentary compound, while in fact the person had been detained on the orders of the president of the Chamber of Deputies, Pierre Paul Cotin.

Judge Gassant said he was shocked that the IAPA report contained the names of the people arrested and jailed, who he said were supposed to be protected by the confidentiality of the investigation. He was being guarded by four policemen, he said, and at the height of his conflict with the Senate, he had been escorted by five members of the Swat special operations police. His family was living abroad and he regularly changed his place of residence. One day, three members of his police escort simply left, fearing for their safety.

His predecessor, Judge Jean Sénat Fleury, decide to drop the case after receiving threats. When he summoned Toussaint to give evidence in the Dominique case on 26 July 2000, before he had taken up his post as senator, he turned up with a group of "chimères" – hired demonstrators from the capital’s slums – who shouted insults outside the main law courts where the meeting with Fleury took place.

Dominique’s widow Michèle no longer receives anonymous calls but her life is still in danger. "I weigh the threats by the number of bodyguards I’m given at any time," she says, noting that they were doubled during the dispute between Gassant and the Senate. Reflecting that she could well have been with her husband when he was shot, she says she is living on borrowed time. As one judge put it, "this kind of affair can cost you your life."

M ap repete ankò ke: Chaje ak moun ki genyen enterè nan lanmò Dominique. Men konbyen nan yo ki genyen a kache? ...epouki rezon?

Si se moun ki te fè "koudeta" 2004 yo ki te asasinen Dominique, kòman fè se Lavalas ki t ap mete baton nan wou ankèt lan jis yo disparèt tout evidans Question

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Les Paroles de Jean Dominique:

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