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|Sujet: Wikileaks exposes US profiteering after Haiti earthquake Dim 26 Juin 2011 - 0:09|| |
Wikileaks exposes US profiteering after Haiti earthquake
By John Marion |June 24, 2011 | WSWS.ORG
On June 15, the whistleblower web site WikiLeaks began releasing US diplomatic
cables from the period immediately following the devastating Haitian earthquake
of January 2010.
The cables, from among the 251,287 in WikiLeaks’ possession,
provide important information on the machinations of US politicians, on their
tight control over Haitian government functions, and about their drive to
reopen Haiti to capitalist exploitation.
WikiLeaks has reached an agreement with Haiti Liberté, a weekly paper and web
site published by Haitian immigrants in the US, under which the paper has first
access to the Haitian cables and also helps to post them on the WikiLeaks web
Concurrently, The Nation is publishing English-language translations of
the Haiti Liberté articles.
Approximately 1,900 cables from the US embassy in Port-au-Prince will be
released on WikiLeaks using this process. One hundred of them had been released
as of June 22, including 36 about the earthquake, most written by
then-Ambassador Kenneth Merten.
The most damning section of the earthquake cables appears at the end of one
written on February 1, 2010, with a section titled “The Gold Rush is On!”
The “veritable free-for-all” of profit-seekers included a sales
presentation given to Haitian President Rene Preval by retired general and
former US presidential candidate Wesley Clark on a model of cheap housing that
would supposedly shelter the poor from future earthquakes and hurricanes.
AshBritt, Inc. was also anxious to get in on the “gold rush.” A US
corporation with close ties to the Republican party, Ashbritt had already been
accused by Broward County, Florida, of double-billing it more than $700,000
after Hurricane Wilma in 1999, and had earned a reputation for profiteering
after Hurricane Katrina.
In Haiti, AshBritt proposed a national plan to rebuild all government
buildings, according to the February 1 cable.
In this plan, it was aided by Gilbert Bigio, one of the few billionaires in Haiti, who joined with AshBritt to form the Haiti Recovery Group (HRG).
Bigio made much of his fortune during the Duvalier regime, and in 2004 told the
Miami Herald, “I don’t think there’s resentment against people who are rich here.…
[I]f you know how to manage success, people admire you instead of hate you.”
In turn, Ashbritt and the HRG were aided by Lewis Lucke, a career USAID
bureaucrat appointed unified relief coordinator ambassador shortly after the
earthquake. Within months of taking that position, Lucke left it in order to
work as a consultant for AshBritt and the HRG.
Not content with the $30,000-per-month fee he received from them for two months
of consulting, Lucke turned around and sued the companies for $500,000,
arguing that he deserved it for having used his government connections to grab
$20 million in contracts for the HRG.
Now on the board of the company MC Endeavors, Lucke recently called the
inauguration of new Haitian president Michel Martelly “an optimistic time for
all Haitians and its many international partners [sic],” according to the
company’s web site.
Like the looting of Wall Street, however, the depredations of capitalism in
Haiti are not limited to the actions of individuals.
The WikiLeaks cables make plain the concern of the US embassy that clothing manufacturers be able to continue profiting from cheap labor.
A February 26, 2010, cable boasts that for the apparel industry, “shipping
from Haiti resumed in less than a month, meeting customers’ expectations of
having their orders filled on time.”
Another cable expresses the worry that Wal-Mart will “source” its needs elsewhere
if Haiti doesn’t meet its infrastructure needs.
Under the guise of “helping” Haitian workers by providing jobs, the
February 26 cable elaborates that “international investors, brands, and
manufacturers who expressed interest in expanding production in Haiti before
the earthquake renewed their commitment to support the Haitian apparel
industry, taking advantage of the trade preferences of the HOPE II Act for
duty-free export to the US.”
The embassy makes these boasts despite the story, also related in the February
26 cable, of a factory that completely collapsed during the earthquake, killing
at least 300 workers.
Cables from June 2009, also released on WikiLeaks this month, detail attempts
by the US embassy to advocate on behalf of Hanes and Levi’s against a minimum
wage increase, according to Haiti Liberte.
The minimum wage increase was being debated by parliament at a time when the average worker in Haiti’s garment sector made the equivalent of US$4.33 per day.
The post-earthquake cables also show the extent of the US Government’s
control over Haiti, down to the smallest details.
A January 19 cable detailing a visit by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton describes repeated attempts by Clinton and her legal counsel to talk President Preval and
Prime Minister Bellerive into setting up government-run refugee camps.
The Haitian government was afraid that such camps might make
“the security situation worse” or lead to protests against the government.
A January 26 cable describes a detailed report given to the embassy officer
about raw material inventories in the SANOPI industrial park.
One of three cables sent on January 29 states that “the Governor and Chief
Internal Auditor of the Central Bank have both repeatedly reassured Embassy
Officers that re-establishing payroll for civil servants remains a priority
” while “Maxime Charles, President of the Haitian Bankers’ Association
told EmbOffs on January 27 that the Central Bank, with the help of MINUSTAH,
is supplying funds to bank branches in provinces.”
In a February 23 cable, a prominent Haitian senator gives the embassy political officer a report about political maneuverings in parliament.
Cable after cable expresses the US embassy’s obsessive worry about whether the government of Haiti can afford to meet its police payroll.
Despite disagreements over specifics, the cables demonstrate that the US State
Department saw Preval and Bellerive as the quickest means of enforcing the
needs of international capital.
In a section of a January 27 cable titled “Parliament Seeking Relevance,”
Merten reports that Bellerive did not bother to show up for a Haitian Senate hearing on January 25, while on the same day the lower house passed a resolution but
“the resolution had no legal effect and received little coverage in the press.”
A month later, Merten seems surprised that Parliament has “re-established
itself quickly” and is “re-asserting its role as a watchdog.
” However, he writes parliament off as “inefficient” and expresses the hope that
“Preval could sideline Parliament after May 2010 and make limited concessions
only as needed.”
Adding to the cynicism of the Obama administration and its State Department,
on February 12, Nancy Pelosi (then speaker of the US House) led a delegation of
five senators and seven representatives at a meeting with Preval, Bellerive,
and their cabinet.
All but one in the US delegation were Democrats, including Senator Tom Harkin and Representatives Charles Rangel and John Conyers.
Echoing the mantra of the US bourgeoisie that an earthquake that killed
hundreds of thousands could serve as an “opportunity,”
Pelosi answered Preval’s plea for US private investment by telling him,
“we’re receptive...and we would like to hear that Haiti is going toward a different
If so, you would receive even more support, and we see this as an opportunity
to be even more helpful.” The “different place” envisioned by Pelosi can only mean more destitution for Haiti’s workers, regardless of which big business party controls the US government.