Forum Haiti : Des Idées et des Débats sur l'Avenir d'Haiti
Forum Haiti : Des Idées et des Débats sur l'Avenir d'Haiti
Forum Haiti : Des Idées et des Débats sur l'Avenir d'Haiti
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Forum Haiti : Des Idées et des Débats sur l'Avenir d'Haiti

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 Move jwèt Kanada ap mennen lan Karayib.

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Super Star
Super Star

Nombre de messages : 8252
Localisation : Canada
Opinion politique : Indépendance totale
Loisirs : Arts et Musique, Pale Ayisien
Date d'inscription : 02/03/2007

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Jeu de rôle: Maestro

Move jwèt Kanada ap mennen lan Karayib. Empty
MessageSujet: Move jwèt Kanada ap mennen lan Karayib.   Move jwèt Kanada ap mennen lan Karayib. EmptyVen 19 Mai 2017 - 2:26

Yon nèg yo rele Richard Albert, yon profesè kanadyen lan Boston deklare lan yon atik ke Ayiti dwe abandonen souvrente l e bay Kanada dirije zafè l.

Men gen de frekansite ki san limit.
Sepandan yon vwa ki levé pou denonse deklarasyon saa anplis zak ke Kanada te fè lan ranvèsman gouvenman Aristid. Chapoba pou Yves Engler ki se yon kanadyen ki vre zanmi Ayiti.

Kote reprezantan Ayiti avèk entelektyèl ki sipoze Defann enterè avèk lonè peyi an.

Ondire se lan men jwif Izrayèl pou nou al aprann kijan pou nou defann diyite n.

Undermining Haitian Sovereignty. The Role of Canada

By Yves Engler


Global Research, May 18, 2017
Dissident Voice 17 May 2017
Region: Canada, Latin America & Caribbean
Theme: History, Law and Justice, Poverty & Social Inequality
In-depth Report: HAITI
print  6   3  0    9

Can cute Canadian Caribbean dreams about enchanted islands come true? Or is reality more complicated and Canada a far less benign actor than we imagine ourselves to be?

In a recent Boston Globe opinion titled “Haiti should relinquish its sovereignty”, Boston College professor Richard Albert writes,

“the new Haitian Constitution should do something virtually unprecedented: renounce the power of self-governance and assign it for a term of years, say 50, to a country that can be trusted to act in Haiti’s long-term interests.”

According to the Canadian constitutional law professor his native land, which Albert calls “one of Haiti’s most loyal friends”, should administer the Caribbean island nation.

Over the past 15 years prominent Canadian voices have repeatedly promoted “protectorate status” for Haiti. On January 31 and February 1, 2003, Jean Chrétien’s Liberal government organized the “Ottawa Initiative on Haiti” to discuss that country’s future. No Haitian officials were invited to this assembly where high-level US, Canadian and French officials decided that Haiti’s elected president “must go” and that the country would be put under a Kosovo-like UN trusteeship.

Four months after Ottawa helped overthrow Haiti’s elected government Prime Minister Paul Martin reaffirmed his government’s desire to keep Haiti under long-term foreign control.Image result for Prime Minister Paul Martin

“Fragile states often require military intervention to restore stability”, said Martin at a private meeting of “media moguls” in Idaho. Bemoaning what he considered the short-term nature of a previous intervention, the prime minister declared “this time, we have got to stay [in Haiti] until the job is done properly.”

A few months later a government-funded think tank, home to key Haiti policy strategists, elaborated a detailed plan for foreigners to run the country. According to the Foundation for the Americas (FOCAL) plan for Haiti’s future, commissioned by Parliament’s foreign affairs committee, the country’s different ministries would fall under Canadian oversight. Québec’s ministry of education, for instance, would oversee Haiti’s education system. The FOCAL plan put Haiti’s environment ministry under Canadian federal government supervision.

FOCAL’s proposal was made after the 2004 US/France/Canada coup weakened Haiti’s democratic institutions and social safety network, spurring thousands of violent deaths and a UN occupation that later introduced cholera to the country. Irrespective of the impact of foreign intervention, colonialists’ solution to Haiti’s problems is to further undermine Haitian sovereignty.

Haiti is but one piece of the Caribbean that Canadians’ have sought to rule. Earlier this year NDP MP Erin Weir asked if Canada should incorporate “the Turks and Caicos Islands into Confederation.” Weir echoed an idea promoted by NDP MP Max Saltzman in the 1970s, Conservative MP Peter Goldring through the 2000s and an NDP riding association three years ago. A resolution submitted to the party’s 2014 convention noted,

“New Democrats Believe in: Engaging with the peoples and government of Turks and Caicos Islands, and the British government to have the Turks and Caicos Islands become Canada’s 11th Province.”

As I discuss in the current issue of Canadian Dimension magazine, leftists have long supported the expansion of Canadian power in the region.

In a 300-page thesis titled “Dreams of a Tropical Canada: Race, Nation, and Canadian Aspirations in the Caribbean Basin, 1883-1919” Paula Pears Hastings outlines the campaign to annex territory in the region.

“Canadians of varying backgrounds campaigned vigorously for Canada-West Indies union”, writes Hastings. “Their aspirations were very much inspired by a Canadian national project, a vision of a ‘Greater Canada’ that included the West Indies.”

Canada’s sizable financial sector in the region played an important part in these efforts. In Towers of Gold, Feet of Clay: The Canadian Banks, Walter Stewart notes:

“The business was so profitable that in 1919 Canada seriously considered taking the Commonwealth Caribbean off mother England’s hands.”

Image result for Prime Minister Robert BordenAt the end of World War I Ottawa asked the Imperial War Cabinet if it could take possession of the British West Indies as compensation for Canada’s defence of the empire. London balked. Ottawa was unsuccessful in securing the British Caribbean partly because the request did not find unanimous domestic support. Prime Minister Robert Borden was of two minds on the issue. From London he dispatched a cable noting,

“the responsibilities of governing subject races would probably exercise a broadening influence upon our people as the dominion thus constituted would closely resemble in its problems and its duties the empire as a whole.”

But, on the other hand, Borden feared that the Caribbean’s black population might want to vote. He remarked upon

“the difficulty of dealing with the coloured population, who would probably be more restless under Canadian law than under British control and would desire and perhaps insist upon representation in Parliament.”

Proposing Canada acquire Turks and Caicos or rule Haiti may be outlandish, but it’s not benign. These suggestions ignore Caribbean history, foreign influence in the region and whitewash the harm Ottawa has caused there. Even worse, they enable politicians’ to pursue ever more aggressive policies in the region.

Yves Engler is the author of A Propaganda System: How Canada’s Government, Corporations, Media and Academia Sell War and Canada in Africa: 300 years of aid and exploitation. Read other articles by Yves.

The original source of this article is Dissident Voice
Copyright © Yves Engler, Dissident Voice, 2017
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Super Star
Super Star

Nombre de messages : 17143
Localisation : USA
Loisirs : Histoire
Date d'inscription : 24/08/2006

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Move jwèt Kanada ap mennen lan Karayib. Empty
MessageSujet: Re: Move jwèt Kanada ap mennen lan Karayib.   Move jwèt Kanada ap mennen lan Karayib. EmptyVen 19 Mai 2017 - 6:04

Anpil bagay mwen aprann sou KOUDETA 2004 lan ,anvan JEB SPRAGUE ak PETER HALLWARD pibliye LIV yo ,se lan ATIK YVES ENGLER.
Misye te pibliye yon ATIK sou ZAFE ke ARISTID ta PILE BEBE LAN PILON.Se te yon "master stroke" DEZENFOMASYON GNBis yo.ENGLER te ale MIAMI pou fe ANKET sou ki jan e ki kote bagay sa a te ORIJINE.

Se te de MIYAMI kote yon NEG ki te di ke l te la le SO ANN,lan yon SEREMONI te griye ti BEBE an e pile l lan PILON.YVES ENGLER te menm bay non RADYO ki te premye devan bann lan ,lan bagay sa a.
Lan LIV li an ,DAMMING THE FLOOD ,ISTORYEN PWOFESE Dr PETER HALLWARD ,te bay plis detay sou bagay sa a.

Epitou SASAYE ,si KANADA te vle fe yon bagay POZITIF ann AYITI ,ki sa ki t ap ANPECHE l fe l/
Yo gen yon PREZANS FIZIK ann AYITI.KONBYEN LEKOL,INIVESITE ,ROUT ki BATI ,menm jan LA CHINE ap fe sa ann AFRIK pa egzanp?
LA CHINE pa gen TWOUP ann AFRIK non!!!!!
Y ap bati tankou m di LEKOL ,CHEMEN D FE ,plizye MILYE KILOMET WOUT lan KONGO yo ,elt.elt...
Tankou GRANMOUN yo te konn di.
ETAZINI gen plis ke 100 AN ke pa gen anyen ki fet san yo pa vle ou byen yo pa dako.
Se ta chanje MET ,san yo pa chanje METYE.
AYITI se deja yon neyo-koloni ETAZINI.KIBA ,VWAZEN nou an ,vin yon peyi ,se apre yo mete pye lan dengonn AMERIKEN yo.
Men ATIK ke AYISYEN-kanadyen an ekri.Misye gen le ke le yo t ap anseye l ISTWA ,SE ANBA BAN an ,li te ye.Se pou misye bay EGZANP KEK KOTE KOLONYALISM se pou AVANSMAN KOLONIZE yo ,li konn ye:

Haiti should relinquish its sovereignty
Membres of the new government appointed by Prime minister, Jack Guy Lafontant sit during a parliamentary session to confirm them in Port-au-Prince on March 15, 2017. The Haitian premier has chosen mostly political novices for the country's new government, nearly three weeks after President Jovenel Moise appointed him to the post.Jack Guy Lafontant, a doctor who like Moise is new to the political scene, signed a decree Monday nominating of his 18 ministers, five of whom are women. / AFP PHOTO / Valerie BaeriswylVALERIE BAERISWYL/AFP/Getty Images


Members of the new Haitian government appointed by Prime Minister Jack Guy Lafontant during a parliamentary confirmation session in Port-au-Prince on March 15.

By Richard Albert   May 02, 2017

I moved back to my native Quebec from Port-au-Prince not long before Haiti adopted its constitution 30 years ago. Since then, Haitians have failed to build the democracy they envisioned for their new era of constitutionalism. Military rule, a legacy of colonial devastation, natural disasters and two coups — one engineered by the United States — certainly have not helped.

The truth is that the constitution has not made much of a difference because the country needs a far more dramatic intervention. Nearly every part of everyday life is worse now than it was then. Conditions are so unspeakably awful that some find themselves recalling with misplaced affection the days of the Duvalier dictatorship.

The problem rests not with the Haitian people but with their leaders. This year on the occasion of the constitution’s 30th anniversary, the Chamber of Deputies launched nationwide public consultations on how to amend the Haitian Constitution to rebuild faith in the country’s corrupt public institutions.

Yet there is little reason to believe that constitutional amendments will do anything to give Haiti and its long-suffering citizens what they need most: political leaders inspired by an ethic of public service, not driven by narrow self-interest. History has proven that the political class has neither incentive nor interest to put the country first.
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