Sa a se yon ATIK ki paret jounen Jodi an sou PEROU.
NEW YORK TIMES di ke PEROU se te CHANPYON lan POLITISYEN VOLO ak KORONPI ,men jounen jodi an ,e TOLERANS ZERO pou POLITISYEN sa yo lan PEROU.
NEW YORK TIMES di gen 4 ANSYEN PREZIDAN PEROU ki swa ki lan PRIZON pou KORIPSYON ,swa ki kraze RAK e y ap mande pou EKSTRADIKSYON yo san nou pa bezwen pale de yon DIVIDAL POLITISYEN ak DWET LONG.
Atansyon pou NEG ann AYITI jounen jodi an ki ap pran LAJAN LETA ,depanse l kom si se LAJAN MANMAN ou PAPA yo TE MOURI KITE POU YO.
SIKONSTANS ENTENASYONAL yo pa an FAVE nou:
Does Peru Need a Special Prison Just for Ex-Presidents?
By SONIA GOLDENBERGAUG. 7, 2017
LIMA, Peru — As Peru prepares for the bicentennial of its independence from Spain in 1821, instead of looking forward with optimism, it is contemplating a dismal political landscape: Four of its former presidents are in jail or fugitives from justice for human rights crimes or corruption. A world record? Probably, but hardly one to celebrate.
In response, in his annual address to the nation late last month, the current president, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, promised a crusade to rebuild the country after devastating floods and a huge corruption scandal, which together have shattered prospects of economic growth and further undermined the trust of Peruvians in the presidency itself.
All four presidents have left their imprint on the country’s history and justice.
First, Alberto Fujimori, Peru’s autocratic ruler from 1990 to 2000, was sentenced in 2009 to 25 years in jail for human rights violations in the fight against the Shining Path guerrillas and later convicted of embezzlement and corruption. He was recently joined in the Barbadillo Lima prison by Ollanta Humala, Mr. Kuczynski’s predecessor, after a judge ordered that he and his wife, Nadine Heredia, serve 18 months of pretrial detention while being investigated on money-laundering and conspiracy charges. Mr. Humala is also accused of extrajudicial killings during his time as an army captain at a remote jungle base in the 1990s.
Another former president, Alejandro Toledo, who served from 2001 to 2006 and brought democracy back after Mr. Fujimori, is fighting extradition to Peru, presumably from his home in Palo Alto, Calif., where he was once a visiting professor at Stanford University. Mr. Toledo is charged with taking $20 million in kickbacks from the Brazilian construction giant Odebrecht, which is at the heart of the corruption scandal that is rocking Brazil.
And last, in January a court in Rome sentenced Francisco Morales Bermúdez, Peru’s military dictator from 1975 to 1980, to life imprisonment for his role in the deaths of 23 people with Italian citizenship living in Latin America. They died during Operation Condor, a campaign of political terrorism carried out by right-wing dictatorships in South America with the technical and military assistance of the United States. Mr. Morales, who will not be imprisoned because of his age, is the only sentenced president who was not elected.
Peruvians are dismayed at having given their votes to so many presidents who have ended up being prosecuted as criminals. The only living former head of state not incriminated so far is Alan Garcia, who served two terms, from 1985 to 1990 and from 2006 to 2011, and ironically has a legendary reputation for corruption that has haunted him for decades. But he is also under investigation for financial irregularities in the construction of the Lima Metro by, once again, Brazil’s Odebrecht conglomerate.
It is the aftershock of what is happening in Brazil, where the Lava Jato, or Car Wash, investigation has not only landed numerous industrialists and politicians in jail, but also revealed widespread bribery by Brazilian construction companies in at least 12 other Latin American countries.
In a region with a long history of graft and impunity, Peru proved fertile ground for illegal payoffs. For almost three centuries of colonial rule, gold and silver from the Andes highlands were shipped to Spain. In 1821, amid a long war that ravaged the country and left it bankrupt, an independent republic was founded with big dreams and aspirations. But from the start, in the building of its railroads and in exploiting new riches like guano from its islands and rubber from its jungle, Peru saw its economic splendor quickly vanish, squandered in a swamp of corruption.
Venality reached new depths in the 1990s under Mr. Fujimori, when the infamous head of the secret services, Vladimiro Montesinos, bribed politicians, bankers, entrepreneurs, judges, military officers and journalists. Videotaping all those caught in his web, he bequeathed a visual legacy of abuse of power and deceit taking place behind closed doors. Mr. Montesinos has since been jailed for life, but dishonesty persists. More than half of Peru’s regional governors are in jail or on trial today.
The lack of control of illegal and foreign financing of presidential elections coupled with the crisis in political parties has turned campaigns into an easy way for adventurous newcomers to become millionaires even before reaching power. Presidential candidates in Peru have been financed by George Soros and by Venezuela, as well as by Brazil, and the funding from Brazil came linked to the allocation of huge public infrastructure contracts to previously handpicked Brazilian construction firms. With this system, no wonder Peruvians will continue to elect thieves as presidents.
Peru is not more corrupt than other Latin American states. Nor are its courts a model of fairness and efficiency. But as overwhelming evidence of bribes taken by presidents across the political spectrum is emerging from abroad, Peruvian judges are under extreme pressure to react. As a consequence, the country’s discredited justice system is, for a change, gaining some credibility and independence. Only last week, a court affirmed a ruling that Mr. Humala and Ms. Heredia should remain in jail. Imprisonment of once powerful heads of state could, however, still be reversed, delayed or stopped.
A weak judiciary cannot succeed on its own. A resolute anti-corruption campaign requires strong leadership to change the electoral system and build solid state institutions to enforce the rule of law. In his address to the nation, President Kuczynski did not offer a clear strategy to confront this challenge, and since the party of Keiko Fujimori, a former presidential candidate and the daughter of the imprisoned dictator, whose campaign was plagued by accusations of illegal money, holds the majority in Congress, much-needed change will be stalled.
Even after two centuries, Peru remains a frail republic. Yet, to its credit, in the past 25 years, it has ended an internal war, settled conflicts with its neighbors, overcome hyperinflation, become a stable democracy and, despite its current predicament, achieved economic growth and reduced poverty. Now, with corrupt political leaders no longer enjoying impunity, who knows, perhaps all past presidents will gather together to watch the bicentennial fireworks behind bars.
Sonia Goldenberg is a journalist and documentary filmmaker.